on which the pilots of the ship of state sketch not merely the outlines of their course, but develope at length the principles of party policy. The Edinburgh Review, planted in the northern capital of Britain, has stretched its gigantic arm not merely over the domain of literature, sometimes withering the budding hopes of young aspirants for fame, and wielding the knife of critical dissection with energetic vigor, but it has also unfurled the banner of The Liberals;' and at the same time that its pages are glowing with the genius of literature, it affords the Whigs of Britain more strength than all the other periodicals in the kingdom. For the avowed purpose of checking the bold licentiousness of this northern Whig champion, whose advocacy of what the supporters of the crown deemed revolutionary doctrines was unmasked and vigorous, Sir Walter Scott, Bishop Heber, and several other gentlemen of kindred character, established in the opposite quarter of the empire the London Quarterly.' They caught up the enemy's own weapons, and rejecting contemptuously the venom that pointed his shafts, with polished learning and chivalrous courtesy, they parried and paid back his attacks; and for nearly thirty years, amidst the mutations of empires, and the fiercest and most fiery action of the political elements, they have sounded shrill and clear the note of

6

'Successful or unsuccessful war,'

in the van of their respective ranks. At the same time that these reviews have borne this warlike aspect, their eagle glance has suffered no valuable work of literature or science to escape unnoticed, and not often unanalyzed; relieving their excellencies, and pointing out defects to be avoided; although it must be acknowledged, that both parties have often suffered the rancor of prejudice to jaundice their vision, and instil its juice into the feelings that give color to the web of thought.

In our own country, the Quarterly,' the North American,' and Southern Reviews, and recently the New-York Review,' a work of high merit, have been made the vehicles of conveying to the public elaborate examinations of domestic slavery,' the 'public lands,' the boundary question, state rights, nullification, and the like subjects, that have shaken the union to its base; while their avowed aim has rather been to register the birth, display the beauties, and valuable discoveries and improvements, in literary and scientific works.

Since the election of Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, the two great parties that divide the republic have ranged themselves under a separate banner; have formally announced their intention, and commenced the attempt, to weave the tissue of politics into the favorite reading of the public. Let but the great lungs of the republic send forth the invigorating breath of sound principles, and such connexion may be advantageous, both to literature and politics. The former may receive a zest it could acquire no where else, and the latter may be elevated by the refining influences and attractive beauties of literature.

In addition to works of periodical criticism, many volumes of English and American literature, which take rank among the classics, owe their birth to the rage and rancor of political struggles. The name

of Burke is here covered with splendor. The volumes in which he has bequeathed his fame to posterity, all treat, with a single exception, of subjects purely political; and although Goldsmith has said,

that

'Born for the universe, he narrowed his mind,

And to party gave up what was meant for mankind,'

yet we think it quite problematical whether Burke's memory would have been cherished with more profound veneration than it is now, if he had chosen for his walks the groves of the academy, instead of making the senate echo the tones of his matchless eloquence. His reflections on the French Revolution, his most elaborate work, to say nothing of the depth of knowledge and political sagacity that are evinced on every page, are an exhibition of the most majestic style which the English language is capable of affording. The diction accommodates itself to the solemn grandeur of the subject, like the 'ample folds of the drapery on the master-pieces of antique sculpture.' It is impossible to court the acquaintance of this great man, through his works, without feeling pure and elevating influences. One breathes in his presence a purer and more invigorating atmosphere. By communion with him, the soul, unaccustomed to bold flights, gradually acquires the ardor and enterprise of the eagle.

The productions of Junius take high rank among the English classics, and now, after the events and circumstances that gave keenness and pungency to his satire have been swallowed up in oblivion, they are read, and will continue to be read, for the bold and noble cast of the thoughts, and the vigor with which they are expressed. Without attempting to complete a catalogue that might be extended to an almost indefinite length, of those who have adorned political discussions with the spoils of literature, it is sufficient to remark, that scarcely an electoral canvass now takes place, without bringing forth intellectual creations that need only the name of Junius, to raise them into an equality with those letters which are now marching on to immortality, under the banner of Stat nominis umbra.'

The blending of politics and literature may be productive of immense advantages, or of overwhelming evils, as examples abundantly show. The influence of the Iliad on the states of Greece, has been already adverted to; and the popular author of 'Ferdinand and Isabella,' which may be regarded as one of the most beautiful productions of American genius, has advanced the opinion that the turbulent spirits of Spain (while the institutions of chivalry alternately covered the state with glory, and were themselves invested with commanding dignity by their union with the state,) were bound together by the patriotic ardor which they breathed in the poem of the Cid, and other works of a kindred character, with which the literature of southern Europe abounds. But the best example of this kind of influence is offered by England, whose legends and tales of chivalry gleam through the elfin dream' of Spenser, and give a keener zest even to Milton's heavenly theme. The memory of her kings and queens has been immortalized by Shakspeare, and their vices drawn forth, and unmasked to be detested, with such pathos and generous sympathy, that our tears flow at the downfall of greatness supported by guilt, and we see without envy the vault which

successful ambition makes, as he has withdrawn the curtain, and permitted us to see the accompanying thorns, how they pierce the deepest when the splendor is most dazzling. All the events of her history have been woven by a thousand others, whose names whiten along the milky-way of her intellectual sky, into solemn narrative, festive poetry, and sportive lays: Thus

'Uniting as with a moral band

Its native legends with their land,
Giving each rock its storied tale,
Pouring a lay for every dale,'

until the sentiment of patriotism, which is a complex idea, composed of the recollections which great men have left behind them, and of the master-pieces of genius, has settled down into a component principle of the British constitutional nature; combining with loyalty, it embraces the throne with a grasp so strong, that the attempt to upheave it would be as futile as the attempt to dislodge the foundations of the deep-anchored isle.

A Briton conceives the State to be the offspring of the will of God, and he looks upon the frame-work of his government, adorned as it is with spoils which have been culled from the richest products of genius, through the space of a thousand years, as a sublime temple, which the Deity honors with his presence. The church engraves her eternal sanctions on the cap-stones of the temple, and maintains her sacred ministers through all its departments. The civil officer, in vowing allegiance to his sovereign, also vows allegiance to the majesty of heaven, in the sacraments of the church. He thus acquires a sanctity of character which has a strong tendency at least to stifle the cold selfishness of the human heart, which too often looks upon office as the mere avenue of gain. To render it still more attractive, the idea of royalty and nobility is embodied in the persons of individuals. All the charms that inspire the deepest and most romantic devotion, relieved by long lines of splendid ancestry, are concentrated around the throne. Love, and enthusiastic ardor, all the strongest and most generous passions of the human breast, united with cool, reflecting reason, combine to give strength and durability to the noblest monarchy that ever was framed.

Now compare this gorgeous fabric with the simplicity of the American republic. They who framed it were baptized sons of liberty in a river of patriot blood. They were thus made sacred for their sublime duty. Their institutions are the emanations of pure reason. Passions of every description were commanded to hold their peace, when they addressed themselves to their appointed task. Not beauty but utility was the object sought and gained. They looked for support, not to enthusiastic passions, and the ardor of devotion, but to the unsophisticated reason of men of common sense. passions are stronger than reason, and they often usurp her authority. Institutions strong as iron and solid as stone, may effect every purpose of utility, but they cannot cause to vibrate the cords of affection in the heart. Self interest may be enlisted to support them, but the deep, resistless current of patriotic ardor requires our strongest passions to arouse it to its full force. As the genius of the republic is

But

entirely averse from incorporating its prominent features in the persons of individuals, sinking men in the absorbing depths of principles, our only resort, and it is a resort of impregnable strength, in order to enlist the affections of the whole people in the support of national institutions, is to unite the highest possible utility with supreme elegance of intellectual taste. In this way, we may hope to restrain the fury of bold, bad men, by offering attractions to the better part of their nature. We may weave unfading garlands around the statue of Liberty, and thus invest her with such noble charms, that she shall awe those whom she cannot win.

WOMAN Should be allowed to stand in the sacred desk, and in the halls of science, and advocate the cause of intelligence, of humanity, and of religion'

AMASA WALKer.

Gimcrack the Sirth.

BY HARRY FRANCO.

SIASCONSET: HOW IT AROSE, AND WHAT IT IS.

THERE are numerous lovely spots on this earth, which occupy a large space in many hearts, although they make but an indifferent appearance on the map of the great world; and there are many names of places that would be looked for in vain in the chart of any country, which nevertheless makes a conspicuous figure in the world of letters. The name which graces the head of this paper belongs to that class which lives only in the hearts of a few; but it shall be no fault of mine, if it is not found hereafter on the printed page, by the side of others better known to Fame, but not more entitled to regard and remembrance.

Dear Siasconset! what a happy lot were mine, could I cause thy name to live in the memories of those who treasure up in their hearts images of the bright and beautiful, the lovely and the good, the great and the noble! Year has followed year, like the constantly returning waves that beat upon thy pebbly shore; the light laughter of youth has grown faint and tremulous in age, and at last silent in death; the slight herbage that fringes thy slighter soil, has sprung up and decayed for succeeding seasons, since that mid-week of creation, when God bade the earth bear fruit; and still the world knows not of thy existence. But it shall be so no longer. That distant orb which had been beaming in its sphere since that glorious morning when the stars sang together for joy, never attracted the gaze of mankind, until the keen-sighted Herschel took note of its existence, and giving it the name of his sovereign, pointed it out to the wondering eyes of the world. So, SIASCONSET! let me direct the admiration of mankind to thy quiet hamlet, where it stands frowned upon, but guarded, by Sancoty and Tom Nevers, the Gog and Magog of the Ocean.

It is now one hundred and eighty years, since a kind-hearted and generous man was compelled to flee from his new home, to escape a fine and flagellation, for having been guilty of giving shelter to four Quaker way-farers during a thunder storm. The name of this man was Thomas Macy, and the place from which he fled was Salisbury, in Massachusetts, where he had acquired a title to a tract of land comprising one thousand acres, had built himself a house, and stocked a farm. This being at that period of the world's existence which we of the present generation look back upon with veneration, and call the good old times;' and the whole land being under the immediate control of those conscientious gentlemen, the Pilgrim Fathers; and it being about the time when England's sublimest bard poured forth that noble strain :

'Avenge, O Lord! thy slaughtered saints, whose bones
Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold,
Even those who kept thy truth so pure of old,

When all our fathers worshipped stocks and stones;
Forget not; in thy book record their groans:'