would, include the maintenance of a number of British experts in the Sultan's name. Great Britain, having repeatedly declared that she is only in temporary occupation, could retire without incurring the slightest loss of prestige.

This is a question which Englishmen cannot afford to examine from any but a purely practical point of view. Sentiment must not intervene. If England has no interest in prolonging her stay in the valley of the Nile-if, on the other hand, she can feel sure that it will not constitute a dereliction of duty to Egypt and Europe to retire in favour of Turkey-why linger on, with the certainty that, whatever attitude the suzerain Power may adopt, the Egyptians themselves will be in a position to dislodge her some day, thanks precisely to the progress the country is making under her rule? In the present circumstances, her role in Egypt is artificial, false, and undignified. It complicates considerably her natural destinies, whose definite settlement is a formidable problem in any case. The Turkish Revolution offers her the opportunity of an honourable exit. If she was ready to sign a Convention with the despotic and retrograde Turkey of 1889 for the evacuation of Egypt, what is there to prevent her from entering into a compact for the same purpose with the constitutional and progressive Turkey of to-day? Both in the interests of Great Britain and Egypt, the writer has been so far a strong upholder of the maintenance of the occupation. But the Turkish revolution has completely changed the situation. Great Britain will gain, Egypt will not lose, by the evacuation. At the same time, a legal situation will be substituted for a forced one, the consequence of which will be to clear considerably the political and diplomatic atmosphere in which Great Britain is enveloped and to strengthen her hands internally and externally. I need not labour the point. All thoughtful Englishmen outside of Egypt herself, where an independent view of the situation cannot be expected to be taken, will recognise that in what I have just written I have provided them with a serious subject for meditation, if nothing more.

Two of the Great Powers of Europe not being in a position to hinder the reformation of Turkey, and the four others having every reason to favour the process, the secret feelings of consternation and rage with which Montenegro, Servia, Greece, and especially Bulgaria, must have certainly received the news of the Turkish Revolution, for reasons which have been already explained, lose much of their importance. Vigilance and caution Turkey must exercise in the accomplishment of her new journey; but, on the whole, the road is free from pitfalls.

Before finishing, I must, as announced, justify the assumption which threads the whole of my argument and which to many people may appear based on excessive optimism-namely, that the Turkish Revolution is not a superficial phenomenon, and that the Turks possess

the requisite qualities for turning it to the real and lasting advantage of the Empire.

For thirty-one years Abd-ul-Hamid has been assiduously occupied in poisoning the Turkish race, the ruling element of the Empire, so as to dispose of it at will. The process seemed to make terrific progress. In the opinion of most people, and the writer owns to having been one of the number, the crowned conspirator of Yildiz had succeeded in gangrening the whole mass of his congeners. It looked so. But it was not the case, and, on reflection, it will be found that it could not be. To transform the character of a body of 15,000,000 men having secular traditions to fall back upon is beyond the power of any human. being, however great his genius for good or for evil. What Abd-ulHamid did accomplish was to increase enormously among the educated classes of his people the tendency to subordinate public to private interest which has been such a marked characteristic of their history for the last two centuries or more. But, in proportion as through this process he reduced them to the condition of servile instruments of his will, he raised their pride and patriotism in regard to the outer world so as to have a complementary national chord to play upon. Now, public corruption can benefit only a limited number of members of a State community-less and less each year with the reduction of revenues brought about by that very corruption. In course of time, when the spies of Abd-ul-Hamid and the other creatures of his policy numbered not hundreds but thousands, the share of each in the imperial munificence and the spoils of the Empire decreased, and finally the vast majority of this army of evil found itself similarly situated to the honourably disposed among the nation, that is to say, badly and irregularly paid and enjoying as little liberty and peace as the others, the suspicions of the master weighing upon all indiscriminately. What had those gained who had sold their souls to Abd-ul-Hamid? With the exception of an infinitesimal minority, which succeeded in accumulating wealth, nothing. On the other hand, Turkish patriotism and pride, purposely exasperated by Abdul-Hamid, opened its eyes and realised that he was the prime cause of the humiliations heaped upon the Empire. A reaction set in which considerably purified and chastened Turkish officialdom in thought and intention, if not in action, which was impossible because one must live. This process has been going on for at least ten years, and has developed a tremendous yearning for reform among all ranks. At the same time the admirable qualities of the Turkish masses which Abd-ul-Hamid could not reach have remained untouched, while a true appreciation of what constituted the source of their misfortunes succeeded their former blindness. These circumstances are sufficient guarantees of the depth of feeling which has produced the Revolution. As to the ability of the Turks to utilise it for the real and permanent good of the Empire, I would point out that they are an extremely

intelligent and well-poised race, whose long imperial career further prepares them for the work of reform. They have given a very substantial promise of this in the extremely practical and sound way in which they have started operations. Abd-ul-Hamid, whose very genius has been his undoing as autocrat, realises this better than anybody else. Hence the certainty that he does not entertain plans for the restoration of his power, and the advantage for the country of maintaining him in his new capacity, from which it may expect great benefits.

These are the reasons for my optimism concerning the Turkish Revolution. Of course, time has to prove that I am right before the consequences I have announced, and especially those concerning Egypt, take place.

Long live Turkey!

ALFRED DE BILINSKI

(late Turkish Chargé d'Affaires in Washington).

A NOVEL PHASE OF THE EASTERN

QUESTION

PARLIAMENTARY GOVernment fOR EGYPT

I HAVE no special knowledge of the origin of the coup d'état by which Abdul Hamid is endeavouring to disarm the mutiny of the Turkish troops in Macedonia; I can therefore express no trustworthy opinion as to its chances of success or failure. In common with all persons who have any knowledge of the Eastern Question I entertain the gravest doubts as to the good faith of the reigning Sultan. I have little or no confidence in a constitutional government established by a military revolt. I am by no means certain how far the Turkish troops share the political aspirations of the Young Turkey' party. I labour under the impression that if the Sultan can find means to pay the overdue wages of the Turkish garrisons in Macedonia and to promote the leaders of the insurrection to high rank or to lucrative positions, a reconciliation might easily be effected between the Commander of the Faithful and the insurgents, which might prove fatal to the agitation for constitutional government. I can see no reason to assume that the leading Continental Powers are prepared to welcome the conversion of the Ottoman Empire from an absolute autocracy into a constitutional Monarchy subject to the authority of an independent National Parliament. All I can assert with any certainty is that such a conversion would, if successful, dispel the hopes entertained by the States of the Balkan Peninsula, if not of the great Slav Empire of the North, and would therefore meet with their active, if not their avowed, opposition. Under these circumstances I hold that any attempt to unravel the entangled web of the Eastern Question, as complicated by the recent appearance of the Sultan in the character of a champion of constitutional government, is for the present futile.

My object in this article is to point out how the Sultan's coup d'état is calculated to create serious embarrassment for England in Egypt. I suppose very few of my readers are aware that in the last days of July London was visited by a deputation consisting of half a dozen members of the Legislative Assembly of Egypt, who are supposed to share the views of the Nationalist party. How far they had any

direct mandate to represent either the so-called Egyptian Parliament or the party, I have no means of ascertaining. The Legislative Assembly of Egypt, which, on the lucus a non lucendo principle, has no power to legislate, is so anomalous and inchoate a body that it is very difficult to say whether it is in a position to authorise any deputation to speak on its behalf or in its name. The Nationalist party was so disorganised by the death of Kamil Pasha, that it has only recently formed a definite programme of its own. Shortly after their arrival in London in the latter part of last month they were received by Sir Edward Grey, who, it is needless to say, listened most courteously to their demand for an early recognition of the alleged right of Egypt to some form of constitutional government under the British occupation. As usual the demand was met, if I am rightly informed, by the answer that though his Majesty's Ministers might admit, as a matter of principle, the desirability of the Nationalist demand, they could hold out no hope of its immediate or even of its early application in practice.

After this reply-which was identical with the language employed repeatedly by the British Agency in Egypt on similar occasions though more sympathetic in its terms-the delegates of the Reform party in Egypt had discharged their duty, and had no reason to prolong their sojourn in London. They had, however, arranged beforehand to give a dinner to friends and acquaintances interested in Egyptian affairs, and amongst others they sent an invitation to the present writer. I had always accepted invitations of a like kind in Cairo accompanied by a proviso that my presence on these occasions was not to be interpreted as expressing my approval of any resolutions that might be passed at these demonstrations, and I saw no reason why I should make an exception in London. I trust my hosts will not deem me uncourteous if I express an opinion that in London, as in Cairo, the Reform party in Egypt have not mastered the rudiments of political agitation. From what I could learn they had barely advertised their proposed demonstration. They had made little or no arrangements for having reporters present: they had not secured the attendance of many men of note in London, whose names would have attracted general attention both in our own country and in theirs. Mr. Robertson, M.P. for Tyneside, acted as Chairman, and expressed his general agreement with the views of the Nationalist party. These views were expounded at considerable length by one of the Young Egypt delegates, but as his knowledge either of English or French was apparently limited, and as he had great difficulty in making himself audible, the programme of the meeting was not very intelligible to the general body of the audience. No printed prospectuses had been prepared, and the only notices of the demonstration in the London press were confined to a few brief paragraphs inserted in papers not enjoying any large authority or circulation. To speak the