discovery that, while he will blindly champion one faulty character in history, in another-which presented conflicting elements and, despite failings, exhibited rare genius and exceptionally noble qualities -he can recognise only what is sad and bad'; and that—perhaps this epitomises the whole-in a celebrated portrait, the beauty of which has delighted two generations, he can see only 'a vulgar caricature.'

Such remarks cannot be taken seriously and detract from the dignity of criticism. The fact remains that history, whether agricultural or social, cannot be written in the fantastic manner which Dr. Jessopp advocates, suppressing some facts and misrepresenting others. It is sufficiently obvious that a biographer who would deal honestly with posterity must state his just convictions. Nor can he choose the materials with which he has to work. They are ready to his hand, the shade as well as the light, and a record from which some of the salient points are omitted is a work of fiction, not fact.

A. M. W. STIRLING.

A WORKMAN'S VIEW OF THE REMEDY FOR UNEMPLOYMENT

In common with other workmen readers of this Review, I turned to the perusal of Mr. J. A. R. Marriott's article on 'The Right to Work,' in the June number, with considerable curiosity and interest; and, after having read it, I must confess to a large measure of disappointment with its contents. For, whether reasonably or unreasonably, I fully expected we should have had detailed some method of constructive policy which, if not a 'panacea,' would at least have led up to a remedy for the shortage of employment that besets the working class body politic so persistently at the present time, and impels them to demand the right to work with which he is dealing. Instead of which we have a very interesting and instructive essay that practically ignores this point, and leaves the matter where he (Mr. Marriott) found it when he started out.

However, without indulging in further useless repining in this connexion, as this is essentially a working man's question I may be pardoned for taking up the inquiry on behalf of my class, and stating briefly what can be done, in the light of my experience and observation of workmen and their ways of life, to ameliorate this most unsatisfactory condition of British labour.

Speaking as one of the older workmen who in my time has known what it is to be out of employment, and to have to turn out and seek for work, in a period of depression in trade, day after day, and week after week, and fail to find it, I can certainly claim to have a living interest in the consideration of this phase of the difficulties of a working man's position. Not that it can be said there is anything novel or unusual in the fact that many worthy men and women are often laid idle through want of work. This has at all times been a regular occurrence. And it is only now, when the socialist unrest by which we are surrounded has become more accentuated, that attempts are being made to find 'cures,' whereby the cloud of unemployment which lowers darkly over many a workman's home can be dispelled, and work and its resulting wages resumed, along with the comfort and contentment they invariably bring in their train.

A notable example of this character that has been strenuously brought to the front just lately is the establishment of Labour Exchanges as a 'cure' for unemployment. Public offices where employers could ascertain where bodies of workpeople are available for carrying out work they have in hand, and working people where their services are required. It is argued that through this medium workmen and employers could be more readily brought together, that the organisation and decasualisation' of labour would lead to greater permanence of employment; and that by a drastic process of weeding out, the 'reserves of labour' would be materially reduced, while those remaining would have on the principle of the survival of the fittest-become more worthy.

All this very probably is true in the main ; but to carry the argument so far as to believe that the registration of the requirements of labour, or giving more facilities for its movement from place to place, is a cure' for shortage of work, is, to my mind, simply a stretch of the imagination, and further, as the idea is not new, only another exemplification of the truth of the old adage-that there is really nothing new under the sun. For, if it is not exactly as old as the hills, it certainly carries us back to the Middle Ages; to the far times when the craftsmen's guilds and lodges of Freemasons were doing somewhat analogous work in this direction to that carried out in our own day by the trade unions of this country. Moreover, without it being necessary for us to rely upon the unions for information of this nature, or the Labour Bureaus established by many municipalities; or even setting up additional Labour Exchanges as proposed, where a shilling advertisement in an evening paper would serve the purpose quite as well; it would be easy to prove without all this bureaucratic routine that workmen generally are not now without accurate knowledge of where large works are in progress and employment likely to be met with; the freemasonry that obtains among all distinctions of labour prompting men to tell each other of any town or place where work is to be found. And my experience of this feeling of comradeship between man and man is that it is displayed independent of whether they are unionist or non-unionist, esprit de corps impelling men who are in employment to give this information to their less fortunate brethren. And, independent of the question of who would have to pay for their institution and upholding, they appear to me to be a work of supererogation, as the agencies we already have are ample for the purpose. And again, to elaborate this point, on which the whole argument hinges, I have never yet, after a life-long experience of the vicissitudes of labour, been confronted with the difficulty of getting to know where work was to be obtained, whenever or wherever it was to be had for the asking. And further, I believe the solution of this problem, when it is arrived at, will be found to lie far deeper than can be fathomed

by any schemes which can be devised for the mobility of labour. To my thinking, to put the whole matter into a nutshell, the most radical cure for unemployment-shortage of work-can only be defined by what is virtually a self-evident proposition—that is, the provision of a fuller and better paid average state of employment. And I have no doubt this remedy, although it may appear to be a fanciful one, could be easily achieved by wise economies on the part of capital and labour. Capital by according to the workman such a share of the profits of their combined management and industry as would impel him to believe that he was being fairly dealt with, and compel him as a fair-minded man to render a more adequate service for his enhanced wages. And labour by making a much more sensible use of the money which has been earned, in its expenditure on articles of utility, the production of which will in effect prove an addition to the sum total of employment.

With a view to clearing the ground somewhat before beginning to deal with other causes of and remedies for unemployment, I may mention one project that has been discussed lately-the Unemployment Bill of the Labour party. In my opinion we have had enough, and more than enough, of special law-making for the working classes, as many of us have already been well-nigh legislated out of our employment by well-meant but mistaken measures passed to promote our welfare. And I cannot but believe that this latest effort of the party will prove the last straw which will break the patience of the self-reliant workman, and make him kick against the notion that he cannot look out for himself and protect his own interests. For my own part I cannot conceive that any good can be done, at least within a reasonable measure of time, by suggesting such drastic changes in our present methods of work and conditions of service between employers and employed as were embodied in this Bill. And the short shrift recently accorded to the measure by Parliament and the country furnishes evidence which does not warrant our proceeding further in this direction. The broad fact is, the taxpayers and the ratepayers as represented by the State and the municipalities are not yet ready to provide employment for working men and women in all the industries. It is true they have already engaged in and achieved success in some special undertakings, notably, the provision of water, gas, electricity, the tramways, &c., which lend themselves more directly to collective ownership; although even these have often been built, and are run at a cost which would prove prohibitive in any private establishment that had not the power to draw upon public moneys for losses which had been incurred in the conduct of the business. No, we believe we can safely say that the people of this country are not yet prepared for the socialisation of its capital, and the means of production and distribution; and will not be until it has been proved to demonstration that the same constant watchfulness with regard VOL. LXIV-No. 378 Z

to economies in management which animates all successful business enterprise has become the dominant factor in the spending of moneys which are not owned by anyone in particular but by all in common.

In the earlier part of my working career we were equally as subject to ebbs and flows in the employment of capital and labour, which were quite as severe, and often more protracted than at the present time. These breaks in the continuity of labour were generally attributed to three reasons-over-production, foreign competition, and adverse seasons. The first-over-production-will be regarded by very few at this time as a tenable one, until each and all without class distinction have had their wants supplied. The next reason is more open to consideration, and will be dealt with afterwards. While as regards the last-adverse seasons-their evil effects are not felt so severely now that our commerce has become more increasingly world-wide than at the former period. To these must now be added another cause which exercises a decided influence in the production of unemployment: the encroachment of the machine on the workman's field of labour. Although, I must say, in my experience as an artisan, I have not found it a hindrance, but often a helpmate, as it has tended to make labour less arduous in the skilled trades, and even in the more laborious occupations where its adverse influence has been severely felt, its assistance has enabled many men whose physical strength is not equal to hard work, and others whose mental abilities through want of training are not sufficiently alert for the higher industries, to obtain and retain employment in our factories, engineering, and general workshops, who without this aid would have been more hampered in earning a livelihood. And, while many workmen decry its indiscriminate uses, I am convinced the machine, taking it generally, has wrought more good than harm to the labouring classes; especially in materially reducing the cost in the production of manufactured commodities, and consequently enabling the humblest of our toilers to have a better share in the products of labour.

Another phase of the question deserving notice is the large number of young men and older ones, too, for that matter-who have not served a full apprenticeship to their trades, and were not bound, who as soon as they have learned enough of their business to make them believe they are worth two or three more shillings a week in wages, desert their old master and take berths as improvers; and often they have to continue as improvers for the rest of their days, through neglecting to make themselves more fully competent. This type of men in the building trades has been brought into existence mainly by the ' jerry' building fraternity; they are not fitted for doing even fairly good work, and are often out of employment, being the last to be set on in a busy time, and the first to be stopped on its slackening. A further influence in this direction that has not worked altogether for good is the product of legislation. The Workmen's Compensation