Imatges de pàgina
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granted, that the reprefentative form of government is best fuited to freedom, the deputies fent to the legislative body must confift, in order to preferve that bleffing, of one half chofen by property, and the other by perfons: for it is abfolutely impoffible to make the great property of a nation perfectly fecure, in a country governed by a reprefentative body, unless property elect one half of the legislative affembly; or that perfonal freedom can be fafe, unless perfons, independent of property, elect one half of the reprefentatives.

The only effectual inftrument for preferving an equal balance be-, tween thefe two parties is the executive power, permanently placed in the hands of a fingle perfon, and endued by the ftate with fufficient influence in the legislative body. This influence may arife from the nomination to all public offices, to which the deputies fhall be eligible. The number of deputies fhould be regulated by the quantity of influence, both increafing, or diminishing, together.

In order to prevent either the legislative or executive power from being over awed by the mob, the latter fhould be fupported by a body of nobility, created by the executive power, and not poffeffing too great a fhare of the national property, who fhall reconfider and fanction the actions of the reprefentative body. The effect of fuch a body of nobility would be, to give general refpect to the legislative power, without calling in the compulfory and dangerous aid of an armed force. When, by thefe or other means, an equilibrium is preserved in the legislative body, perfons and property having an equal fhare in making the laws, the intereft of both will be fecured, and freedom will be preferved.

In the remainder of this pamphlet the author's principles are illuftrated, by applying them to feveral cafes of government, which have actually existed in ancient and modern hiftory; and in conclufion, the mixed government, established in Great Britain, is maintained, on the principles above ftated, to be infinitely preferable to the republican form introduced into France by the prefent revolution.

On the theory here laid down we must content ourselves with one general remark, namely, that, however promifing this writer's plan may appear in fpeculation, it would perhaps be found in practice a talk of infuperable difficulty, to give the executive power the kind of influence in the legislative body here propofed, without turning the balance in favour of property, in a degree which would be effentially injurious to the rights of perfons. However, the author's leading idea is very ingenious; and his concluding remarks may well deferve our reader's attention.

P. 73.

In all inquiries into the nature of free governments, it has been remarked, that the fecurity of perfons and of property was the end propofed; but I have not obferved, that former difquifitions upon this fubject have remarked, in terms fufficiently explicit, that these two bodies of men are at continual variance; one of them tending immediately to the destruction of property, and the other to the enflaving of perfons. It is this circumftance which makes the dominion of either party a complete defpotifm over the other; and from hence arifes a maxim in government, that real freedom confifts in the fupreme power being equally divided between perfons and property.

In accounting for the prevalence of monarchy, or the dominion of a fingle perfon, men have had recourfe to divine right; or they

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have fuppofed, that as one God muft rule the universe, one man, to refemble him, muft rule a nation. Such ideas are ill founded: the true reafon why the dominion of a fingle perfon has prevailed in maft countries in the world, appears to be, that the two great parties of perfons and property, finding that they could not bear the dominion of each other, committed the power to a single perfon, as the leaft evil of the three.

Mankind have been impofed upon in a variety of ways refpecting government by thofe who meant to fubjugate them; and impoftures of this kind become frequent, when ftates are in poffeffion of fome degree of freedom. Among thefe may be reckoned, that conftant cry which we hear in the french nation, that the laws fhould reign; that freedom is the reign of the laws. If it is meant, that this muft neceffarily produce freedom, it is a moft grofs deception; because it fuppofes, that men must be free, if they are ruled by law. The moft abominable tyranny has been exercised and fanctioned by laws, and by cuftoms which have obtained the force of laws. It is not in the execution of fuch laws as happen to exist, but in the framing and enacting of neceffary and good laws, that liberty chiefy confifts; and (as I have before obferved) from the nature of the laws of any country, a true judgement may be formed of the degree of freedom enjoyed by its inhabitants. The legislature of every country is a conftantly operating power, and, according to its bias, the laws are formed to opprefs perfons or property, or both; thefe oppreffions may be fo fpeedily performed, that in fome cafes a fingle law may be fufficient to deftroy all the fecurity of property, or annihilate every veftige of perfonal freedom. For thefe reafons, no nation can poffibly continue to enjoy liberty, but by placing the legiflative authority, one half in property, and the other half in perfons, and by preferving fuch a balance between thofe parties as completely precludes either from preponderating.'

ART. XXII.

O.S.

A Collection of State-Papers, relative to the War againfi France now carrying on by Great Britain and the feveral other Euspean Powers, containing authentic Copies of Treaties, Conventions, Proclamations, Manifeftoes, Declarations, Memorials, Remonftrances, Official Letters, Parliamentary Papers, London Gazette Accounts of the Price 10s. 6d. DeWar, &c. &c. 8vo. About 500 pages.

brett. 1794.

We are promifed in the introduction a continuation of this very ufeful work, which henceforth is to be published annually on the eye of every fellion of parliament. The following fhort quotation will afford an adequate idea of the volume now before us.

The object of the editor of this work has been to collect all state papers illuftrative of the fentiments, actions, and views of the european powers, in the prefent war against France, and alfo of the United States of America, who though fituated in another quarter of the globe, are, notwithstanding, by language, cuftoms, and connexions, fo intimately interwoven with the european fyftem, that their conduct is more important to it than that of many european states themselves. It must therefore be particularly understood, that these papers relate only to the french war, and the difpofitions of the different powers on

that

that fubject. At a time when fo many various opinions are formed and maintained refpecting the motives of princes and ftates for commencing hoftilities or remaining neuter, it feems proper to lay before the public authentic documents by which thofe motives may be inveftigated and afcertained, as far as poffible, on the declarations of the parties themfelves. It is prefumed that the utility of this volume therefore must be evident. The want of fome perfect collection of this kind has of late been regretted not only by members of both houfes of parliament, but by many other eminent characters, to whom the deficiency was obvious; and it was a knowledge of the embarraffment of fuch a want, that first induced the editor to collect the following papers, to clafs them under their refpective heads, to arrange them in chronological order, and to accompany them by an ample index, by means of which any one may be referred to in an inftant.

The treaties are copies of thofe recently laid before both houses of parliament, the partition treaty, and the convention at Pilnitz alone excepted. Thofe with Spain, Naples, &c. would have been first publifhed in this work, had it made its appearance, as was first intended, before the meeting of parliament. The latenefs of the time in which the editor's attention was first called to it, and the extent to which it has gone, has, however, delayed its publication; and taking advantage of the treaties lately laid before the houfes of lords and commons, thofe firft printed have been cancelled, purpofely to give them in the very words of the official tranflations. The proclamations and manifeftoes have been selected with great care. It is almost unneceffary to obferve, that the largest part of those published by the french, relative to their own internal concerns, are excluded: but fuch as are of importance in explaining the conduct of other powers are preferved, and a few material decrees placed among them. The official correfpondence commences with the answers of the european powers to the french king's notification of his acceptance of the conftitution in feptember, 1791, which is thought the proper æra from whence to trace and difclofe the conduct, and difpofitions of the different states :-it is particularly full and complete at the very interefting periods immediately preceding the rupture with Auftria, and the rupture with Britain. Many of the papers which paffed on the eve of thofe events never were before publifhed in England; and others of them have hitherto been but imperfectly laid before the public. It has been thought neceffary to the completeness of the work, to infert the parliamentary papers alfo :-thefe confift of the king's speeches and meffages, and the addreffes, amendments, and motions, concerning the war, which laft feffion were moved either in the house of lords or in the house of commons. The appendix containing the hiftory of the war, is taken wholly from the London Gazettes: no article is omitted, nor is any inferted which has not appeared in that ftate record. The different accounts are claffed under the heads of operations at fea; operations in the Netherlands; on the Rhine; on the fide of Italy; on the fide of Spain; at Toulon; in the Weft Indies, and America; and in the Eaft Indies. The whole, as well proclamations, correfpondence, &c. as Gazettes, is brought up to the conclufion of 1793; and the english and foreign newfpapers of the three laft years have been carefully fearched in order to complete the collection. Many of the papers have been perfected, and their dates affixed; but even where dates could

not

not be precifely found, the time at which they firft appeared is afcertained and mentioned.'

It is to be hoped, that the editor will be more careful in arranging the materials of the fucceeding volumes, the pages being fo mifplaced, in the prefent, as to occafion a confiderable degree of unneceffary trouble.

ART. XXIII. An Efimate of the comparative Strength of Great Britain, during the prefent and four preceding Reigns; and of the Lafes of ber Trade from every War fince the Revolution. A new Edition. 10 which is prefixed, a Dedication to Dr. James Currie, the reputed Author Fafper Wilson's Letter." By George Chalmers, F. R. S. S. A. Svo. About 320 pa. Pr. 5s. in boards. Stockdale.

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MR. CHALMERS introduces this republication of his climate with a dedication to Dr. Currie, in which he endeavours, with the aid of old fares and tags of rhime, to be at once fatirical and admenitory.

In that part, wherein he condefcends to be ferious, he refers the Dr. to the fucceffive increase of the wealth of Liverpool, and other commercial towns, within the prefent century, as an anfwer to his clamours about our pretended ruin.

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When Scotland,' fays he, was a child, during king William's reign, England was a youth, with all the brifknefs and buftle of youth. From the revolution, and the war of the revolution, fhe carried an extraordinary energy into the occupations of peace, after the treaty of Ryfwick. And from every fubfequent war, fhe appears to have redoubled her energy, and to have made proportional acquifitions of all that creates and conftitutes opulence. England had more than three times as many fhipping employed in her commerce at the "damn'd peate of Utrecht," and more than double the exportation that she had at the celebrated treaty of Ryfwick. She had fifty per cent. more fhipping and traffic at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, than fhe had at the peace of Utrecht. She had a fourth more fhipping and a third more exports at the peace of 1763, than fhe had at the peace of 1748. The years which immediately fucceeded this epoch, were a period of unexampled profperity. Yet, when the prefent war began, England had, notwithstanding two long wars, more than double her fhipping and commerce, from 1748 to 1792. There only belonged to England,

In 1700

In 1792

2,281 fhips of 261,222 tons. 10,423 of 1,168,468*.

The foregoing pofitions are all facts, inftructive facts. From them we learn that England, amidft frequent wars, redoubled taxes, and publie debts, has grown up as faft and as vigorously as Liverpool, of which you cannot be perfuaded, that her traders are poor, or that her corporation is on the verge of bankruptcy. Yet, throughout your letter you reafon, that the merchants of Great-Britain are ruined, and that the corporation of Great-Britain is on the verge of bankruptcy, "Oh hateful error, melancholy's child!

"Why doft thou fnew to the apt thoughts of men
"The things that are not ?"

As appears from the regier of thipping."

As

As it might argue fomewhat against the policy of the prefent war, to allow that our commercial diftrefles originated in the wild and unprofitable plans of adminiftration, we are gravely told, that prof perity generally leads on to adverfity;' and that during 1791 and ftill more in 1792, there lurked, in our commercial habit, the predifpofing caufes of our commercial maladies which broke out in 1793-* We are comforted too with the obfervation, that, however unfortunate the month of november 1792 was to our traders, it was a month propitious to our conftitution. The following paffage evinces how far the author's fears must have operated upon his understanding, and perhaps on his memory.

I was not inattentive, as you may fuppofe, to the paffages of that month. I knew that the violence of the republicans, and levellers, had by its action and reaction spread terror far and wide. I was acquainted with perfons, who feared the lofs of their lands from the tumults of the jacobins at Sheffield. I was acquainted with perfons, who fold their flock in the british funds, in order to invest it where they fuppofed it would be more fafe. I was acquainted with thofe who difpofed, at an under value, of moveable property which they imagined was most likely to be destroyed by innovation and tumult.'

The author (who is a placeman) feems to dread nothing fo much as a reform of parliament, to which he has fo often lamented to fee wicked men with their allies, the well meaning men,' endeavouring by various arts to turn the attention of the people; and he roundly af ferts, that no induftrious individual would gain a fingle advantage from fuch a reform.'

What! would not a fingle advantage' arife from leffening the number of our wars, and confequently the amount of our taxes? from checking the infolence, and punishing the peculations of office? from diminishing, if not deftroying, the venal herd of penfioners and finecure placemen? and from fimplifying our laws, and thus fecuring to every man his property, at prefent endangered by the moft trifling liti gation? Would not the acquifition of all, or of any part of thefe bleifings produce a fingle advantage' to the great body of the nation?

It only excites our laughter when we perceive the reputed Francis Oldys [fee Analyt. Rev. Vol. xI. p. 204] bufied in the detection of the reputed Jafper Wilfon; but it must provoke the indignation of every honeft man, to behold Mr. Chalmers, with an unmanly rancour, attacking a refpectable individual (Mr. F.) who happens to differ from him in opinion; but indeed, in one or two places of the prefent work, as nearly throughout the whole of his life of Ruddiman, he degenerates into perfonal abufe, and illiberal fcurrility.

After obferving, that a falfbond is foon ftated, but that it requires a paragraph to afcertain a fact, the author concludes a dedication of one hundred and fixteen pages with the following hint:

"Good friend! forbear; you deal in dang❜rous things;

"I'd never name queens, minifters, or kings;

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Keep clofe to ears, and thofe let affes prick."

ART.

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