the fact that subsequently he put the culture section of the PanBritannic scheme into perpetuity in the most glorious way. I know Mr. Rhodes read Professor Hudson Beare's notes on my Imperial scholarships suggestion, for he thanked me in his letter for sending them to him. But mine was a crude scheme compared to Mr. Rhodes', for he provided in his competition both for physical and intellectual dexterity, a true Olympic contest after the Greek model. He was fully conversant with all the features of my Pan-Britannic scheme. I sent him every particular and notice of every development, for I had hopes that he would be the man to carry it out by the aid of his great wealth. Moreover, the scheme was threshed out, month after month, in the newspapers of South Africa. Many people,' says the newspaper South Africa of about that date, overlook the scholarship section of this scheme, which has been heartily approved of by ourselves and all the South African Press.' I have cuttings before me. now from all sorts of South African newspapers published about the end of 1892. For instance, the Cape Times had a prominent leader saying:

We believe that the scheme will be found both feasible and attractive. In the section of culture it is proposed that the convenience of colonists should be met by selecting several centres of examination for national scholarships in science, arts, literature, and technical education. To this feature of the scheme no admirer of the ancient university system of the Mother Country can reasonably take exception. By college endowment the peasant lad was raised to the level of the peer. The endowment of study to the extent now suggested would enable many a young colonist, the son of his own works, to take his place in the nurseries of intellectual life in Europe, and to win, if the grit be in him, the highest prizes open to European students. Scientific and technical education have become factors nowadays in the problem of national supremacy. The issue of the commercial and industrial struggle of the world must mainly depend on the practical scientific education of the people of each nation; and the proudest of us will confess that for such education the intellectual centres of Europe must be sought for many a year to come. Upon the athletic aspect of the scheme nothing need now be said. Our purpose is to bring out those special features which distinguish the proposed all-English festival from the Pan-Athenian, with which Mr. Froude compares it. The scheme has no element of political or commercial quackery. It makes no pretension to a federal character; it leaves customs tariffs to the uncontrolled management of the legislatures severally interested in them. Remembering the earnestness and character of the men who have committed themselves either to hopelessly impracticable projects of federal government or of fiscal union, we can but regret our inability to discern the quality of reasonableness in proposals so truly admirable in spirit. Mr. Astley Cooper soars to no ambitious height. He offers simply a plan for the cultivation of English feeling and sentiment amongst English-speaking people all the world over, including also some tangible benefit in the way of industrial competition and educational encouragement. And one truly admirable feature in the scheme is its invitation to our American cousins to participate fully in its varied programme. Besides giving practical English folk an object-lesson in the greatness of their own extended Britain, the proposed festival might also give the world an object-lesson in the uniting power of a common language, of a common literature, and of a common political tradition.

Illuminating articles of this sort were continually appearing in all the South African papers; in fact, they made a feature of it for a long course of time, and it would be ridiculous to suppose that Mr. Rhodes' quick and sympathetic mind was not influenced by them, though in the end his own scheme was quite original and characteristic of the man. Still examine it, and you will find it a blend of the features of my original Olympic games scheme, even to the inclusion of America. It remains to be seen whether the wealthy men belonging to our self-governing Colonies will follow Mr. Rhodes' patriotic example; for what, after all, are these scholarships among so many of the youth of the Empire who desire and are worthy of the advantages of the Home Universities?

I cannot help thinking that I do not cherish a fond delusion when I express a belief that the Pan-Britannic scheme did influence Mr. Rhodes in making his great bequest to knit the youth of the Empire together. No one, however, will know the truth, but there is the fact that through Mr. Rhodes' munificence an Olympic contest, on the true Greek principle, both of mind and body, and for moral excellence, takes place year by year among the youth of the British Empire and America.

My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct,' says Mr. Rhodes, in his last will, that in the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had to (1) his literary and scholastic attainments; (2) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports such as cricket, football, and the like ; (3) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness, unselfishness, and fellowship; and (4) his exhibition during schooldays of moral force of character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public duties as his highest aim.'

The Greek idea of culture was a strong mind in a strong body. This was the ideal man that the Greek Olympic games of old were designed to bring to perfection, and this was Mr. Rhodes' object in laying down the conditions for his scholarship. He desired the British race to be strong, sane men, physically sound, morally and intellectually sound. From an athletic point of view, the annual inter-University sports will become more and more Olympic games for the cultured youth of the Empire-the youth who will shape the destinies of the future.

The term games--Olympic games-is I am afraid very misleading to many minds. To the majority it simply means athletic exercises. The Greeks, as I have already pointed out, included in their Olympic games other calisthenics in addition to physical. They debated, considered, and thought out all things appertaining to the welfare of the race and State. They were not only nimble footed during their Olympic games, but also nimble-minded. They were sports

manlike with their brains, as well as brawny. It is also the pride of Britons that in all things we are sportsmen. Political fury may rage, but personal friendships do not suffer. In all things we play games, although they may not be on an Olympic scale. The longer one lives comes the conviction that no one is indispensable, and he who plays only to win by as much as he can is not according to our English ideal. There was then a serious side to the Olympic games, though the Greeks had too keen a sense of humour to take themselves too seriously.

Acting on this initiative I introduced into my Pan-Britannic scheme the suggestion that scientific, commercial and industrial conferences between representatives of the various provinces of the Empire should be held at frequent intervals, and that the results of their deliberations should be summarised and sent to all parts of the Empire as a record of progress, and containing hints for future development. This suggestion has only been carried out in a spasmodic way, though the Colonies are very busy now in exploiting their individual resources. I also suggested that it would be desirable, if possible, that selected representatives of labour from the Colonies should come to England, upon periodical visits, and have organised opportunities put within their reach to see the capacity of England in all directions of industrial thought and work. I also suggested that at periodic intervals carefully selected bodies of men representing the military and naval resources of the Empire, should be gathered together for an instructive mutual lesson. A further suggestion of mine was that the British Sovereign should visit periodically in state the other great capitals of the Empire.

Lord Curzon who from the beginning supported my idea, recently urged this point in a great Imperial speech at Birmingham, which I notice has subsequently been republished in this Review. All these things would have been included by the Greeks, if their constitution and era had been as our own, in their idea of what games should go on at the Olympiad. They were all exercises and recreations fitting them for the more serious duties of a citizen.

Then there was the suggestion for a Great National Holiday or Empire Day. I submitted this proposition to the Australian Premiers' Conference, held in Melbourne in March 1898-only ten years ago and here is the extract from the Official Report:- No. 17.-Mr. Astley Cooper's suggestion for a holiday throughout the Empire, to be called "Constitution Day." Resolved that the Premiers cannot at present see their way to adopt the suggestion.' I will explain later why I wanted my suggested Imperial holiday called Constitution Day. Lord Rosebery, with whom I conferred upon the subject, objected to take any active steps to propagate the suggestion in Great Britain, because, as he urged, no such holiday could be imposed unless the country in which it is to be held itself wishes for it. The Australian

Premiers had already in Conference disagreed with the proposal. Sir Wilfrid Laurier half-heartedly replied: 'We have so many holidays in Canada that I do not think it advisable to have the addition of one more, yet, if all the other portions of the Empire agree to adopt your suggestion, Canada, I am sure, would not remain behind.' Sir Gordon Sprigg, as Premier of Cape Colony, wrote:

I have thought a good deal about the proposal contained in your note. The Queen's birthday, so long as Victoria lives, would be the best day to select. There would be a general acceptance of it here probably. In truth, it would be an honoured recognition throughout the Empire of what in this country is already fully observed on May 24-the headship of the Sovereign. When I lived in England, the Queen's birthday was known and celebrated in a few places in the West End of London only. Here it is a great public holiday—all places of business are closed, and the day is devoted to pleasure and rejoicing throughout the Colony. You may count upon me to assist in any scheme calculated to preserve and increase the sentiment of loyalty and union. prospect of the endurance of the Empire is brighter now than it was a quarter of a century ago.

The

Everybody was half-hearted about it, and the idea hung fire until Lord Meath and the schoolchildren took it up, and now it is a pronounced success, and every year likely to be a greater. It was a happy thought of Lord Meath to get hold of the young idea. I have a communication before me now from him which concludes as follows: "If "Empire Day" were simultaneously celebrated in all schools throughout the dominion of King Edward, a step would have been taken which would hasten by many years the advent of that federation so ardently desired by many of the most enlightened and eminent of the statesmen of the Empire.'

But the Greek ideal of Olympic games for the British and the English-speaking race is still not complete, though there are shows, athletic and culture contests, and a day set apart for the honour of the Empire. These are but the setting and the accompaniments of the jewel of the casket, which should be a periodical council of the wise and great of the nation and the race. This you will never have for the British, until you have a new Imperial Constitution, and this is why I prefer the term 'Constitution Day' to 'Empire Day.' Such a day will commemorate not a person or an idea, but a principle or an act. I wish all prosperity to Lord Meath's Empire Day, but I live in the hope that the people of the British Empire and America will jointly celebrate at some future date, in thankfulness for a great Act accomplished, a Constitution Day. When that great Act is accomplished, then and then only will my full ideal of Olympic games for the English-speaking race be fulfilled.

We are moving fast imperially and racially, and it will be a subject of great surprise if the mature minds of those who are thinking imperially at home, and racially in the Colonies, do not evolve from the provincial influences under which we manage to exist as an Empire

a new form of Government, of a democratic type, suitable to the aspirations of those younger and unconventional Britains beyond the seas, which are exerting an increasing influence every day upon the whole political thought of the Empire. I look forward with confidence to the day when such an Imperial Constitution and Council will have been produced by the political genius of the whole Empire that we shall be unified as one man for its maintenance, so jealous shall we be of our own handiwork. This Supreme Act founded upon undying principles shall be the new Olympia, the sanctuary of those who speak Shakespeare's tongue; and the chief care of the statesmen of the Empire shall be to punish those who are guilty of a crime against her, and to reward those who do anything to increase her splendour and glory.

J. ASTLEY COOPER.