Imatges de pàgina
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5. Each society would prefer those branches of industry for which climate, soil, mineral productions, and other local advantages gave them a natural superiority, and hence the mutual advantages of exchange on terms of equity.

6. A whole province, or even a whole nation, of these individual combinations, might form a federal society of insurance, to guarantee each other respectively against the ravages of fire, frost, hail, rain, or any other general calamity; so that if a Phalanstery was burnt down, or if a whole county was ravaged by storm, the loss would be reduced to a trifle for each, when supported by all.

7. The advantages of general education and superior science being common in each locality, would be incalculable, in appreciating all the local resources, and the best means of turning them to ac

count.

8. The interests of the rich and the poor would be united in the combined action of property and industry, so that it would be impossible to separate the two; and hence the difficulty of one class legislating for themselves only, or obtaining unjust privileges.

9. All the taxes, direct and indirect, might be reduced to one general direct tax; and by paying quarterly or half yearly all the taxes of each association, a useless and expensive legion of tax-gatherers might be disbanded, and occupied in productive or useful pursuits.

10. The amount of taxation might be considerably diminished in consequence of prisons, police establishments, and other expensive institutions of incoherent civilization, being reduced to one tenth of their present extent; and perhaps even less than that.

11. University education and the higher branches of science might be conducted on better principles, both of science and economy, under the immediate control of government, than they now are, under the influence of superannuated creeds, charters, and interested prejudices. Instead of wasting money and time on idlers who have no taste for learning, as it very often happens at present, those youths only, who had manifested particular vocations for transcendent science, would be sent by their respective localities to study at universities.

12. The commerce between different nations might be carried on by governments, who would know exactly what were the just proportions of exportation and importation suited to each nation; thus avoiding the endless miscalculations of ignorant individuals, and prevent the unjust privileges and monopolies of private companies, as well as the disastrous failures resulting from over-speculation and excessive competition.

13. By this means, also, custom-houses might be abolished, to facilitate the mutual intercourse of nations. Nor would there be any inconvenience in this measure, because each nation, province, and locality would produce in superabundance those things only for which it had a natural advantage, requiring no other protection than that of its natural superiority; and, as the expenses of government would be greatly diminished by the wholesale measures of economy to which we allude, there would be no reason for regretting the revenue of customs, duties, &c.

14. War would probably be abolished between civilized natio

it is quite clear that everybody loses and nobody gains by war on civilized policy. As for barbarous nations, they would soon be constrained to imitate or adopt the natural system of society, which in half a century would render them as learned and polite as the most civilized nations.

15. Instead of destructive armies and navies, we might have navies of commerce, and armies of industry; the one usefully occupied by sea, and the other by land. The armies of industry might be employed in building ships, cutting canals, making railways, erecting public monuments, &c.; instead of being drilled to use destructive arms, they might be taught to wield the instruments of production.

16. Nations might be united together in empires, as provinces are in nations; unity of method might be adopted all over the earth for such things as are of universal importance; one universal language might be adopted and taught every where, besides the native languages of each respective locality. In fact, endless advantages of individual and general interest would be the natural consequence of correct science and its application in truth and justice.

It is clear that these conditions would unite all the interests of society, and thence it is not less evident that they would produce concord and convergency of public opinion.

We are aware that such magnificent and prodigious results as these will excite the doubts of those who consider themselves reasonable, positive, and practical people-of those who are commonly called businesslike people but it must be remembered that these social and political results can only be obtained by corporate combination; and that, so far from pretending to produce wonderful political effects in the present state of incoherent society, we might predict with certainty much more calamitous results than they-the positive people-are aware of. If the principles of spiritual attraction explain to us the results of harmonic combination, they also explain to us the effects of general incoherence and jarring interests: and if the picture of the one is truly magnificent, that of the other is gloomy and dread. It is the ignorance of pending danger which lulls the thoughtless multitude in delusive security; but those who see the dark spot in the political horizon, are fully apprehensive of an approaching storm. It must also be remembered that the difference is great between passing at once in review all these advantages and the necessary slowness in which they would be realized little by little; but however slow the transformation may be, it will be steady, foreseen, and sure: nothing can effectually prevent the power of science from making its way, though prejudice may for a time retard its progress. The most interesting subject of inquiry, then, at present, is, are the natural principles of corporate combination discovered, or are they not?

It may be interesting, however, to examine the causes of political retrogradation as well as those of progression; for though humanity is sure to progress on some point or other of the globe, still it is proved to us by experience, that civilized nations may die a political death, just as an individual may be carried off before his time by fever or pestilence, or by any other mortal disease. When we say civilized nations, it is understood that we allude to incoherent civilization, such

as that which now exists in the most advanced countries of Europe, and formerly in Italy and Greece; for, when the whole globe is really civilized, or rather harmonized by corporate combination, there can be no instance of political dissolution: the only political change that can happen, will be variation in the scale of political importance and ascendancy.

If a revolution were to bring about a dissolution of the British Empire, it is clear, that those who are the most prejudiced against reform in any shape, would be the greatest sufferers by such a dissolution: we mean those who have the heaviest stake in property and vested interests. The people who have nothing but their knowledge and their labour, would merely be exposed to temporary suffering; but property of every sort, and the advantages of credit and position, would be entirely wrecked. Let us hope, however, that a catastrophe which would involve the lives and fortunes of so many thousands, may be prevented by those who are most exposed to risk; and who, by being better able to judge of the danger, would be most guilty in the event, and therefore justify the dreadful fate which their indifferent scepticism had drawn upon them; and, in order to render the possible event of such a catastrophe less imperceptible to the eyes of the indifferent, let us take a hasty view of those mighty empires whose ruins now attest their fallen glory; whose history records an empty name; whose crimes against humanity condemned them to destruction; and in whose fate we read the future doom of ignorant and reckless tyranny.

SONNET.

BY MRS. EDWARD THOMAS.

"And the world teems with children's sunset prayers !"
The Dream, by the HON. MRS. NORTON.

A LITTLE boy was by his mother kneeling;
One hand amid his golden curls was stealing,
The other most gently held his tiny hand:

Her lips seem'd moving :-Though no utterance broke
From out their portals-doubtless her heart awoke
A holy prayer, the Angels understand.

Sudden! both the child's she clasp'd within her own,
Elevating them towards The Mercy Throne

Where God was seated. Then the innocent boy
Join'd in her now articulated prayer,

That still the Almighty with especial care
Would o'er him watch-her sole terrestrial joy!
Devotions done-exchanged the mutual kiss-
They sank to slumber in harmonious bliss!

SOCRATES.

A TRAGEDY BY FRANCIS BARHAM, ESQ.

ACT IV. SCENE I. .

ARISTOPHANES, CRITIAS, MELITUS, ANYTUS, and LYCON. ARISTOPHANES.

Well, gentlemen, I've done it.

CRITIAS.

Done-done what?

ANYTUS.

His creditors. I'll bet a drachma to it.

CRITIAS.

Don't bet more than you're worth, you miserly dog.

A drachma-tush!

ANYTUS.

You barbarous, wolfish knave,

I'm worth ten thousand drachmas.

CRITIAS.

Nay, excuse me,

I know your strong box is;-but you yourself
Were dearly bought at half a drachma. Misers
Should go dirt cheap-they have no personal value;
'Tis all transferred to their pockets.

MELITUS.

Now, don't quarrel. You are both Arcadians-thorough rascals bothLike as two hedgehogs; 'twere a pity if Such paragons in scampishness should slit Each other's whistles. There's diablery Enough for both; pray don't be jealous.

LYCON.

Hear him,

The would-be, can't-be rhetorician;-hear
The turncoat knave,—the jack of all bad trades.
Why I and my friend, Anytus, compared
To you, are doves to a raven. You curst hireling,
For you to prate forsooth! Who robbed the widow
Of her last meal, and trampled on the baby,
That with its innocent weeping eyes implored
Compassion for its mother. We appeal
To Aristophanes, which is the worst

Among us.

ARISTOPHANES.

'Tis a very grammatical question, Very grammatical,-Whether such superlatives

Admit comparatives? That you are all
Superlatives in blackguardism is clear.
Comparisons are odious. I'll not say

Which is the perfectest scoundrel. I would rather
Advise a coalition. As joint monarchs, share

Your absolute prerogative between you;
I'm sure no man of Athens is so hardy

As to dispute that palm with you.

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ARISTOPHANES.

Well! that's a hard hit,

But, by the faith of our patron Mercury,
We will not spar upon it. Take things easy-
Is a good old saw. So after having damned
Each other heartily, we'll now shake hands
And be better friends than ever.

Rogues they say

Should ne'er fall out, lest honest men should happen To come by their own again.

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This is improvising

Extraordinary. If it reach the devil's ears,
He'll owe us a good turn. Now, Aristophanes.

ARISTOPHANES (sings).

The rest making a laughing chorus.

The devil, the devil is the father of evil,
Laugh away, jolly boys, laugh away;
And therefore you see, it becomes him to be
Our special old crony to-day,

Jolly boys,

Laugh away, jolly boys, laugh away!

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