CHAPTER III.

ADMINISTRATION OF MR. ADAMS.

33. The principles by which Mr. Adams proposed to conduct his administration were those of the great democratic party of the country,-those of his predecessors-those only upon which the administration of the country can be safely. conducted. They are distinctly delineated in his inaugural address, and receive the applause of every citizen instructed in the nature and tendency of our political institutions. We exhibit them, here, as well, for the information of the reader, as for contrasting them, hereafter, with those of his succes

sor.

34. "With the catastrophe in which the wars of the French Revolution terminated, and our own subsequent peace with Great Britain, the baneful weed of party strife was uprooted. From that time, no difference of principle connected either with the theory of government, or with our intercourse with foreign nations, has existed, or been called forth, in force sufficient to sustain a continued combination of parties or to give more than wholesome animation to public sentiment or legislative debate. Our political creed is without a dissenting voice, that can be heard-That, the will of the people is the source, and the happiness of the people, the end, of all legitimate government upon earth-That, the best security for the beneficence, and the best guarantee against the abuse, of power, consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections-That the General Government of the Union, and the separate governments of the States are all sovereignties of limited powers; fellow servants of the same masters; uncontrolled within their respective spheres; uncontrollable by encroachments upon each other-That, the firmest security of peace is the preparation, during peace, of the defences of war-That, a vigorous economy and accountability of public expenditures should guard against the aggravation, and alleviate, when possible, the burden of taxation-That, the military should be kept, in strict subordination to the civil power-That the freedom of the press and of religious opinion should be inviolate-That the policy of our country is peace, and the ark

of our salvation is union, are articles of faith upon which we are all now agreed."

In the policy of his predecessor he saw the line of his own duty clearly marked. The great features of that policy, in general concurrence with the will of the legislature, were— to cherish peace whilst preparing for defensive war; to yield exact justice to other nations, and to maintain the rights of our own; to cherish the principles of freedom and of equal rights wherever they were proclaimed; to discharge with all possible promptitude the national debt; to reduce within the narrowest limits of efficiency, the military force; to improve the organization and discipline of the army; to provide and sustain a school of military science; to extend equal protection among all the great interests of the nation; to promote the civilization of the Indian tribes; and to proceed in the great system of internal improvements, within the limits of the constitutional powers of the Union.

35. Such were the principles also proclaimed by Mr. Jefferson, except that, he did not so zealously advocate Internal Improvement, though he had sanctioned the Bill for the Cumberland Road, one of the most characteristic measures of the system. The improvement of the country by roads and canals, by the cultivation of science, and the diffusion of knowledge, was the most favorite measure of Mr. Adams' administration; but his views were circumscribed by constitutional limits, as settled by his predecessors, in the practice of years. Less possessed of the public confidence, in advance, than any one who had before filled the office, he was more obnoxious to misconstruction. But, intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to his country's welfare, and the unceasing application of his faculties, were the pledges he gave for the faithful performance of the arduous duties he assumed: To the guidance of the legislative councils; to the assistance of the Executive and subordinate departments; to the friendly co-operation of the State governments; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as he might deserve it by honest industry and zeal, he looked for whatever success might attend his public service. We have all learned, of late, how easy it is for politicians to make professions, and how little regard, generally, should be paid to them, until confirmed by their conduct. To his actions, Mr. Adams confidently appealed; and, judging by them, his contemporaries and posterity will award him the fame of a wise statesman, too pure for his times.

36. Mr. Adams seems to have holden with Mr. Monroe, that, "in our country, party was neither useful nor inevitable" -an opinion, which from all experience appears utterly untenable. The following declaration, amiable and virtuous as it is, made him more enemies, than an act of gross mal. feazance might have done. "There still remains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individuals thoughout the nation, who have, heretofore, followed the standards of political party-It is that, of discarding every remnant of rancour against each other, of embracing as countrymen and friends, and of yielding to talents and virtue alone, that confidence, which, in times of contention for principle, was bestowed, only upon those who bore the badge of party communion."

37. He made himself the effort of magnanimity,-the sacrifice of prejudices,-which he recommended. With due regard to their fitness for their respective stations, his principal officers were selected, more in reference to the conciliation of popular sentiment than to his personal predilections. Upon these principles his Cabinet was formed. In the officers of his administration, he saw only the agents of the law, not, dependents upon the will of the President. In their selection, he sought neither to proscribe opponents nor reward partisans. He removed from office none who were competent and faithful, nor appointed any, from other motives than the public weal.

38. But here lay the great error of his policy in relation to self. He would be great, was not without ambition, but without the illness should attend it. What he would highly, that he would holily. Could he have been tempted to betray the Constitution and degrade his station, by converting his official patronage into private property; to have perverted the power given for the public service, to his individual use, he might have created a party which would have continued him in office during another term. But no man ever came into the administration of government, so wholly unsupported by party. Devoted to the improvement of his race, his benevolence was more universal than particular; more fitted to make an imperishable fame, than numerous personal friends. Of the arts of popularity he knew nothing; or knowing, disdained them. He professed no other claims to public favor than pure intentions, comprehensive knowledge of the interests of his country, his duties and his legitimate powers-and the in

flexible resolution, sustained by adequate capacity, to maintain them.

39. No policy could be more thoroughly anti-European, more American, than his. He would exclude all further European colonization from the American continent; all interference of European monarchs, especially those of the miscalled Holy Alliance, in American politics; he would render his own country, essentially, independent of European workshops, by fostering American arts, manufactures, and science, and would strengthen her. power, by rendering her force more available through the instrumentality of Internal Improvement.

40. To these objects, is efforts were directed. His principal measures were-I. The Mission to Panama: II. A lib-. eral system of Internal Improvements: III. The fostering of American industry and genius, by protecting duties upon imports: IV. The extension of our foreign commerce, by the reciprocal abolition of discriminating duties upon trade nd navigation in our own and in foreign ports: V The maintenance of our faith with the Indian tribes, and the advancement of their moral and political condition.

41. I. The object of the Panama Convention, to which Columbia, Central America and Mexico were originally parties, was to deliberate on the great and common interests of several new and neighbouring nations. In such deliberations the interests of the United States were deeply involved; and, were it, merely, that our Government might be, speedily and correctly, informed of the proceedings of the Congress, and the issue of their negotiations, it was advisable to have an accredited agency with them, in such confidential relation as would ensure the authenticity, and the safe and prompt transmission, of its reports.

42. The objects of the United States in this conference were: 1. The establishment of some principles of international law, whose unsettled state had been productive of much evil; as the perpetual abolition, among the American states, of private war upon the ocean, or at least such modification of the practice as would make the friendly flag protect the cargo: the curtailment of the contraband of war; and the proscription of fictitious paper blockades: 2. To consider of means for the abolition of the slave trade: 3. Of means to deter the European powers from further colonization on the American continent, and from interference in the contest between Spain and her former colonies: 4. To determine

in what light the political condition of Hayti should be regarded—a case highly important to the southern portion of our own country: 5. To consider the views of Colombia and Mexico in their proposed invasion of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico; an event which might result, ultimately, in putting them in the hands of some European power, other than Spain-to prevent which, the United States were interested by preserving the existing tranquillity of the islands, and the peace and security of their inhabitants: 6. To obtain from the nations of the South, a recognition of the principles of religious toleration: 7. To establish general principles of intercourse, applicable to all the American powers, for the mutual regulation of their commerce and navigation, founded on the basis of perfect equality and reciprocity: 8. To consider the means of making a canal through the Isthmus of Panama; a measure of great importance to the commercial world, but more especially to the United States: 9. And lastly, to conciliate the affections of our sister republics, by aiding them, at their earnest request, with such wholesome counsel as our greater experience might suggest.

43. These views were not peculiar to the administration of Mr. Adams. The only proposition which, by possibility, might result in foreign alliance, the prevention of European interference in American affairs, had been profoundly considered by Mr. Monroe, and the commanding position taken by him upon the subject, was sustained by the nation. In his message to Congress, of the 2d December, 1823, we find this important passage: "The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favour of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on the European side of the Atlantic. In wars with the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part; nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries or make preparations for defence. With the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed un