and doubted not but if certain friends of his (Mr. Whitbread's) were to pass over to the Treasury-bench, that they would soon be equally happy in conciliating the hon. gentleman's confidence. In their Address in answer to the Speech of the Prince Regent, the House had pledged itself to proceed with all due caution to adopt such measures as should appear necessary for the purpose of extending our trade and securing the advantages we have gained. This pledge the House, he contended, by adjourning as was now proposed to do without taking any step in consequence of it, left unredeemed. They had that night for the first time heard from the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer the portentous declaration, that the property tax was to continue; and the right hon. gentleman had hinted, that those ought not to vote against it who could not point out some other mode of raising the money necessary for the service of the state. This position he denied. It was not for those who objected to the taxes proposed by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer to devise others. For what purpose was the place the right hon. gentleman held given him, if other members were to discover for him measures of finance? It was enough for them to shew that they were oppressive, injurious, and unnecessary, in the present state of the country. An intimation had also been given by the right hon. gentleman, that a corn Bill would be introduced in the course of the session. A measure which, whatever might be its intrinsic policy, it would be highly inexpedient to attempt in the present state of the country. He had been charged with inconsistency, because he had expressed his confidence in lord Castlereagh at the time of his departure for the continent, and would not now continue it. It was true, that from the autumn of the year 1809, when a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) had made a desperate plunge in politics for the purpose of unseating the noble lord and placing himself at the head of the administration (which adventure had ended in his own complete downfall), he (Mr. Whitbread) had entertained a higher opinion of the noble lord; the conduct of lord Castlereagh at that time had met Mr. Whitbread's approbation, and his conduct since had not tended to diminish it this opinion he had fairly avowed, nor was he disposed now to recal it, but many circumstances had recently come to (VOL. XXIX. )

his knowledge which induced him to lessen his confidence, nor did he attribute the destruction of Buonaparté so much either to the councils of the noble lord, or to the efforts of the allies, as to the overweening vanity of him who had been dethroned, amounting to nothing short of madness. But was the conduct of the British minister at Vienna, with regard to Saxony or Poland, such as to add to the confidence he had felt? Undoubtedly it must be diminished, and then, what was he to say to those who called themselves the coadjutors of the noble lord, who were in truth only his colleagues, bound to him by ties of office, but incapable, utterly incapable of rendering him in his arduous situation of ambassador the smallest assistance? The financial blunders of the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had occasioned the early assembling of parliament, and the right hon. gentleman had used the House of Commons for the purpose of postponing the evil day for which he had not provided. As to the questions he had felt it his duty to put, one hon. gentleman (Mr. Marryatt) had called them children's play of questions and commands: it was well he did not say answers, for none were given, or if given, they well deserved the appellation of children's answers [Mr. Wellesley Pole shook his head]. The right hon. gentleman needed not to agitate himself: he (Mr. Whitbread) would not stop to take any notice of him now; he had matters of much higher concernment to treat: besides, the right hon. gentle. man had called for quarter, and he should have it. [A laugh]. The part which ministers had acted, might, indeed, be properly called child's play: they had behaved like children, who, conscious of their own weakness, were seeking for support and assistance from others. They were constantly praying not to be assailed before the arrival of the noble lord. "Where is the noble lord? Wait till the noble lord comes, the noble lord will be able to account for every thing, and clear himself to us." They were constantly calling out like babies, "Where is daddy? Oh dear! Where is daddy? We want daddy!" for lord Castlereagh was absent, and they sorely felt the want of his paternal guardianship and assistance. [Hear, hear! and a laugh]. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to refer to the precedents of 1797 and 1806, to shew that the present adjournment was unjustifiable on that ground; (2 Y)

he had no doubt ministers found parlia- | ment a very troublesome machine, which they had not the power to manage, and wished to get rid of it; but the people of England knew its value; for upon the speeches, good or bad, delivered in that assembly, depended the liberties of mankind. Buonaparté at the Isle of Elba must chuckle exceedingly at seeing what had happened since his abdication, which tended, if any thing could do so, to the restoration of that extraordinary person; for mankind would prefer the yoke of one efficient tyrant of talents, which might give sanction to atrocious follies of a set of inefficient tyrants: of one great and efficient tyrant, a great many inefficient tyrants had started up in his room.

Mr. Bathurst did not think it necessary to follow the hon. gentleman through the various topics embraced in his speech. The objection urged against the adjourn ment, that the House had not redeemed the pledge they had given, "to proceed with due caution to adopt such measures as should appear necessary for extending our commerce and secure the advantages we had gained," was, he thought, singularly urged, as it could hardly be thought they would make good their promise to proceed with due caution, had they entered upon the subject thus early. He maintained nothing that had transpired ought to shake the confidence of the House in ministers, and complained of the unfairness of mixing up the personal conduct of the noble lord at Vienna, with the proceedings imputed by the hon. gentleman to the allied powers. It was unjust to do this till it had been proved that they had his sanction, and he denied that the hon. gentleman could give proof of this. The negociations now pending, were only second in importance to those which had formerly called for the presence of the noble lord, and the confidence of the House on the present occasion was not less desirable than on the former. On the choice made of the noble lord to attend the Congress, he believed no difference of opinion had existed. If the House sanc

severely felt by all of them, but he was confident, that had the noble lord remained in his place in that House, his conduct would have been marked by that reserve of which so many complaints had been made against himself and his colleagues near him. On the subject of the arrangements spoken of on the continent, he again asserted they could not have been finally settled. The negociations at Ghent had been going on at a period subsequent to that, down to which the proceedings were given in the American papers; and the fact of negociations being pending, was a sufficient reason for the House to abstain from all interference on that subject. He contended that ministers had not asked that confidence should be reposed in them, which it had not been the custom of parliament to grant, on occasions at all resembling the present. He complained of the attack made on his right hon. friend (Mr. Wellesley Pole), as unjust. He thought him hardly dealt by, to be spoken of as if nothing but his birth could have made him eligible to serve the public. He vindicated the calling of parliament together before Christmas, and attempted to shew the inconsistency of the complaint that this measure excluded the Irish members from the House, and the assertion that the consideration of the Bank Restriction Act ought to be forthwith proceeded with; as if it would be proper to deny them all participation in so important an inquiry. Having replied to a variety of other arguments urged in the debate, he again repelled the charges preferred against the noble lord now at Vienna, and demanded, before judgment should be pronounced on his conduct, that he might have an opportunity of explaining it in person, when he doubted not, he would succeed in shewing, that if, in every thing, he had not been successful, he had not failed to discharge his duty. The House divided, when the numbers

were:

For the Amendment Against it...........

Majority

... 23 ..... 86

-63

The original motion was then agreed to. After which the House adjourned to Thursday, the 9th of February, 1815.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Thursday, Feb. 9, 1815.

This day both Houses met pursuant to

MILITIA.] Earl Fitzwilliam gave notice that on Wednesday next he would submit a motion on the subject of the militia, and moved that the Lords be summoned. Lord Grenville adverted to the propriety of having accounts before their lordships relative to the disembodying of militia corps which had taken place subsequently to those of which a statement had already been laid upon the table; and he intimated his intention to move for such paper.

Viscount Sidmouth observed, that there could be no possible objection to the production of such an account as that contemplated by the noble lord. The document could be laid before the House either tomorrow or Monday.

Lord Grenville then moved, that the account be laid before the House, which was ordered accordingly.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, February 9.

PROPERTY TAX.] Mr. Serjeant Onslow rose to present a petition against the renewal of the Property-tax, from the mayor, corporation, and inhabitants of the town of Guildford. He stated that these petitioners had cheerfully borne the tax during the war, but conceived that they were now entitled to an exemption from this burthen. He moved that the Petition be read.

Mr. Ponsonby said, he was desirous of taking the earliest opportunity of calling the attention of the House to the subject of this Petition; a subject on which such very numerous petitions had been prepared all over the country to be presented to that House. He now rose to ask the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether his Majesty's ministers had yet made up their minds as to the course they would pursue. He wished to know, whether or not it was their intention to propose a renewal of the property tax, which, according to the existing law, would expire on the 5th of next April.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that it was his intention on Friday, the 17th inst., to submit to the consideration of the House several important measures relating to the finances of the country; and he was prepared to state, that the continuance of the property tax was not one of the measures he meant to propose, unless in the event of the non-ratification of the treaty of peace with America.

Mr. Ponsonby was not sure that he rightly comprehended the meaning of the right

hon. gentleman: he understood him to say, that it was not at.present his intention to propose a renewal of the property tax. He wished to know if he was right in this.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, certainly he did not mean to propose a renewal of the property tax, unless the House should refuse to adopt the other measures which it would be his duty to submit to their consideration.

Mr. Ponsonby thought what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman was quite unsatisfactory: he wished to know what was his determination. He was aware the right hon. gentleman did not make up his mind hastily, nor always cling pertinaciously to his first resolution; but after the time which had passed since the House last met, he ought to have been able to make up his mind on this subject; he ought to be able to give a decisive answer to the question. Did he mean to propose a renewal of the property tax, or did he not?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that the renewal of the property tax was not one of the measures which he had then an intention to propose, but he had other measures to propose in lieu of it.

Mr. Whitbread said, the statement which the right hon. gentleman had first made was very different from what he had last said. He had first stated that he should not propose the renewal of the property tax, unless the House should refuse to adopt a financial arrangement which he should then propose. If the right hon. gentleman rested on this statement, it was important that the country should know it, that the manifestation of the public feeling against this inquisitorial and oppressive tax might continue. The right hon. gen. tleman had now that measure, the renewal of the property tax, in his hands as an instrument of coercion. He could say,

adopt whatever I suggest, or else you shall submit to the property tax." After a lapse of a few minutes the right hon. gentleman had taken a different tone. Now, what was the state of the case? Did the right hon. gentleman propose the property tax as an alternative, which it would be necessary to accept if his finan cial propositions were not agreed to; or did he mean to say, that neither in that event, nor in any other event, would the property tax be renewed?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he did not doubt the country would cheerfully submit to the measures which the

to his Royal Highness, for his most gracious Message, and for his tender regard to the privileges of this House, in the communication which he has been pleased to make to this House of the reason for putting lieut. general sir John Murray

in arrest.

The motion was agreed to.

BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Act of the 54 Geo. 3, c. 99, to continue the restrictions contained in several Acts on payments of cash by the Bank of England, was entered as read. The right hon. gentleman then moved, That the House should, on Monday next, resolve itself into a committee to consider of the said Act.

Mr. Horner wished to know if the right hon. gentleman meant to propose the renewal of the Bank Restriction Act, without first moving that the House should go into a committee on the affairs of the Bank.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no intention of moving for such a committee; but it was competent for any member to bring forward such a motion if he thought proper.

CONGRESS AT VIENNA.] Mr. Whitbread said, that as there was a motion before the House, he should trouble them with a few words before the motion was put. As notice had been given for so early a day as the 17th of this month, of a new plan of finance, he must of course take it for granted that the affairs of Europe were definitively settled. At least, if minor points had not been completely arranged, yet as the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer was about to propose important financial arrangements, that all the grand points had been settled which had been in controversy so long, and so disgracefully in controversy at Vienna. He wished therefore to know, whether his Majesty's ministers were better informed on some points than they were previous to the adjournment of the House on the 1st of December; whether they were prepared to disavow the proclamation of prince Repnin, of which at that time they knew nothing; whether they were able to speak with certainty as to the fate of Genoa, respecting which, then, they had no information? These matters were of course now finally arranged and adjusted, so that ministers were able to look forward

with security to the settlement of the affairs of Europe, as was evident by the measures of which they had given notice. He should not speak of the disgraceful acts, if acts they were, which had emanated from the Congress, nor of the disgraceful manner in which the great subjects discussed there had been treatedthat it was stated that so many millions of subjects were due to one sovereign, and a balance of 250,000 subjects to another sovereign, as if the sovereigns were every thing, and the people nothing-as if the horrors of the French Revolution had made such an impression on the minds of men, that no fantastic tricks on the part of monarchs could shake them on their thrones, and renew those terrible convulsions which had shaken all Europe. But it was most important that the House should know what arrangements had been made at the Congress, and he thought there was no time so proper to inquire as when notice had been given of a definitive financial arrangement.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer considered the conduct of the hon. gentleman irregular, in bringing the subjects which he had mentioned into discussion, when no question respecting them, and no authentic document was before the House. At the same time he had certainly no objection to say, once for all, that as his noble friend (lord Castlereagh), who had attended the sitting of Congress at Vienna, was on his return, and might be expected home in a few days, he was disposed to wait his arrival before he offered that explanation which had been required. The House would feel, that it would be in the power of his noble friend to give fuller and more satisfactory information on all the great points which might be touched upon, than he could submit to them; and he therefore hoped they would admit the propriety of waiting till the noble lord could be present. This statement, he trusted, would satisfy gentlemen opposite that no disrespect was intended to them, if some of their questions remained unanswered.

Mr. Whitbread only wished to remind the right hon. gentleman and the House, that it had been said on a former occasion, when the silence observed on the Treasury-bench had been made a subject of complaint, that had the noble lord been in the House at that time, the same secrecy would have enveloped the events passing on the continent, but that the