The Earl of Donoughmore observed, that what had been urged by the noble Secre most lenient measure, but which he (lord surrection Act, that happy privilege, the trial by jury, was not, as stated by the noble earl, given to the subject; it was, on the contrary, only to be allowed with the consent of the judge of the court. The Insurrection Act was, therefore, in every respect the more rigorous measure; whilst, on the other hand, the object of the Preservation of the Peace Act was only to administer the law as it stood with greater effect. It besides was not op. tional with the government to carry into effect the Insurrection Act, as it could only be put in force upon the representation of five magistrates of a county, that such county was disturbed. The Preservation of the Peace, or Police Act, on the other hand, as had been correctly stated, rested entirely with the government, under the advice of the privy council, to carry into execution. In the instance, however, of the proclaimed barony, the fact was, that there was a representation of a full meeting of magistrates, to the number of forty, of the county of Tipperary, of the disturbed state of that county, expressly averring that several murders had been committed there, and praying for the execution of the Police Act. As to the outrages enumerated by the noble earl to have been committed since, he knew of no object such an enumeration could have, except to shew the forbearance of the government. Did, however, the noble earl mean to object to the nomination of the respectable gentleman (Mr. Wilcocks) who was appointed the magistrate at Cashel under the Act, or did he mean to object to the selection of the constables? Lord Sidmouth said, he was satisfied that upon these heads no valid objection whatever could lie against the government. He felt some surprise at what had been said by the noble eari with regard to his right hon. friend, knowing the respect which the noble earl had for that right hon. gentleman; but he felt it merely justice to his right hon. friend to observe, that with that rare union of firmness, temper, and moderation which his right hon. friend possessed, he knew no man better qualified for the situation of chief secretary for Ireland. With respect to the motion, he knew of no such communications as those alluded to, and therefore he should move, that the House do now adjourn, a view to the object of the motion, that it stated the report to which he (lord Donoughmore) had alluded, to be erroneous, in announcing the perfect tranquillity of the district referred to. It was, however, rather singular, that the mistake was not made merely by one person, but pervaded all the reports, as if the statement had been copied from some official document; but he was disposed to be satisfied, from what had fallen from the noble viscount, that there must have been a mistake. With respect to the meeting of magistrates alluded to, the noble viscount must have been aware, from the circumstances of that meeting, that it was not entitled to so much attention as had been paid to it. As to what he had said with regard to the right hon. gentleman who held the office of chief secretary of Ireland, he begged to be understood as not intending to convey the slightest imputation upon that right hon. gentleman. He still, however, could not help saying, that it was more advantageous for an old stager to be appointed to that situation. He must also be allowed to state, that there were other means of tranquillizing Ireland, besides those alluded to by the noble viscount. The question of adjournment was then put, and carried. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, November 24. LORD WALSINGHAM.] On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the House went into a committee of the whole House, on the Prince Regent's Message respecting lord Walsingham's proposed annuity. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, that it had been for many years the duty of that House to vote rewards for services of a naval or military kind: those which were now to be recompensed were of a different nature, but also highly entitled to the gratitude of the country. He then entered into a description of lord Walsingham's public services in the other House, paid a tribute to his merits, and concluded by moving a resolution, that a sum of 2,000l. be granted to his Royal Highness out of the consolidated fund per annum, to be settled in the most effectual manner on lord Walsingham, during the term of his natural life. Mr. Rose joined in the tribute of praise justly paid by his right hon. friend to the merits of the noble lord. No one had higher claims to a public reward for his services. The Resolution was then agreed to. or falsehood of these charges, he hoped that an application would be directly made to the commissioners for the proofs of which they were thus stated to be in possession. It had been stated by the right hon. gentleman the other evening, that his Majesty's government had entered into a treaty of amity and friendship with the government of Spain. In answer to an expression of the wishes of the House, it had been answered by the crown, that no opportunity would be lost in negociating with foreign states, to secure farther by treaty the abolition of the traffic in slaves. He thought, certainly, that an opportunity of that nature had occurred in entering into a treaty with Spain, for procuring the insertion of stipulations for the abolition, or at least restrictions on the trade. When he considered the situation in which the government of Spain stood with regard to this country, he was sure that a better opportunity could not have presented itself for making the attempt which had been promised by his Majesty's ministers, and that if the attempt had been made, it could hardly have been ineffectual. He was most anxious to know, therefore, if in that treaty there were any provisions for the abolition or restriction of the traffic in slaves. SLAVE TRADE.] Mr. Horner wished to put a question to the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on a subject having a reference to the abolition of the slave trade. The continuance of this traffic, he would do his right hon. friend the justice to say, was, he believed, lamented by no man more than himself; but while be believed his right hon. friend was zealously disposed to exert himself to the utmost in effecting a general abolition, he was not sure that he could place exactly the same confidence in the noble lord, his colleague, to whom that cause was entrusted at the present Congress. There were two points on which he wished for information from his right hon. friend. By a publication of the American government to the world, of the proceedings during the negociation at Ghent, it appeared to be stated by the secretary of state of the American government, that a number of negroes, taken by our commanders from the southern states, or seduced to desert from their masters, had been carried by them to the West Indies, and there sold as slaves. This was a charge of the heaviest nature, and if there was any foundation in it, was one which deeply affected the character of the officers employed in the American service, as well as the government of this country. It was well known, that one of the principal obstacles to the abolition in foreign states, and the foundation of the reluctance felt by them, was their disbelief of the sincerity of the English go-to his colleagues, that he was only one of vernment and nation. As this charge had been made in so public a manner, he was anxious to know if there was any foundation for it; and if government were not possessed of sufficient information on the subject, he hoped they would be disposed to take the most prompt steps to ascertain the truth or falsehood of it. A great deal of time might be saved, by applying for the proofs, of which the commissioners at Ghent were declared to be in possession; for Mr. Monroe stated, that his department was in possession of ample proofs, and that these proofs had been sent to the commissioners at Ghent. For the pur pose, therefore, of ascertaining the truth The Chancellor of the Exchequer trusted that no doubt would be entertained by the House that the utmost efforts would be made by his Majesty's ministers for the furtherance of an object in which they were all so deeply interested as the abolition of the slave trade. He took to himself the credit of the sincere disposition in favour of it, with which he was complimented by his hon. and learned friend; and he ventured to assure him, in justice many who all felt an equal interest with himself; and that the noble lord especially, to whom the interests of his country were at present entrusted at the Congress, had manifested in every particular the disposition which was common to himself and his colleagues, in his negociations with the other powers of Europe. With respect to the first question of the hon. and learned gentleman, he had to state, that his Majesty's ministers had no information whatever respecting the subject to which it related. They had received no information that slaves had ever been sent from any part of the coast of America to the West India islands; and he hardly con goods upon credit to defraud their creditors, and to servants to rob their employers, as well also as by the frauds committed upon the public revenue; and that they tend to encourage the manufacture of inferior and disreputable articles, to the great injury of the manufactures and commerce of the country; and which will now prove still more injurious, when we shall have to contend against the rival manufactures of other nations; and that while the persons vend ceived that any British officer could have been guilty of so black and atrocious an act as that charged in this case; that he could possibly commit such a violation of the laws against the slave trade, and expose himself to the certainty of being punished for so disgraceful and base a crime. He pledged himself to make the fullest inquiry into this case, and to prosecute with the utmost rigour of justice any persons who should have so disgraced themselves. But he hoped, that till this mattering at these sales elude that responsibility, was cleared up, the House would not lightly believe it. It occurred to him, that in this instance the American government had given out this statement, however unjustifiable such conduct certainly was, with a view of striking a terror into their slaves. This was certainly much more probable than that any British officer should implicate himself in so abominable a transaction. There certainly was not in the treaty with Spain any provision for the abolition of the slave trade. It had been found impossible, in negociating with that court, to make it sensible of what were its true interests in this respect. The House could hardly be surprised, when it considered the whole of the conduct of that court, that in this attempt his Majesty's ministers had been unsuccessful. But he assured the House, that no effort had been wanting on the part of the government of this country to induce the court of Spain to comply, with the just expectations and wishes of the people of this country. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, November 25. LONDON AUCTIONS PETITION.] One of the sheriff's of London presented at the bar, a Petition from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the city of London: setting forth; "That frauds and deceptions are carried on to a considerable extent, by means of numerous auction-rooms for the sale of manufactured goods, in small lots, in various parts of the metropolis, and most of the provincial towns, to the great injury of the manufacturer, the fair trader, and the public in general; and that they have long become an intolerable public nuisance, not only by the number of persons collected together, and the cheats and deceptions there practised, but by the power ful inducements they hold out to swindling, to unprincipled persons to obtain (VOL. XXIX.) as well as various taxes, which attach to the regular trader, disreputable articles are not only vended with impunity, but, as the petitioners are well informed, the auction duty is, to a great extent, evaded; and that memorials have been presented to the lords commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, and petitions to the House, but no remedy has yet been obtained for these grievances; and that a Bill was brought into the House during the last session, and afterwards withdrawn on account of some informality, but, for causes unknown to the petitioners, the same was not again introduced; and praying the House to take these serious grievances into consideration, and to grant such relief in the premises as to them shall seem meet." Ordered to lie upon the table. IRISH PEACE PRESERVATION BILL.] Mr. Brogden brought up the report of the committee on the Bill to amend an Act passed in the last session of parliament, intituled, "An Act to provide for the better execution of the laws in Ireland, by appointing superintending magistrates and additional constables in counties, in certain cases." On the motion, that the Bill be read a third time to-morrow, Mr. Ponsonby said, he did not rise with a view of opposing the motion; he merely wished to say a few words on the subject of the Bill. The opinion which he had formed after much inquiry was, that there never was laid before the House a statement less supported by facts in many instances, than that of the right hon. the secretary for Ireland last session, when he introduced the present Bill to the House. He was far from entertaining an idea that the right hon. gentleman had wilfully misrepresented the state of Ireland to the House; but he believed that he had given credit to the misrepresentations of others, without sufficiently inquiring into the truth or falsehood of their statements. The right hon. gentleman had (2 L) represented a general state of insubordi- | the existing law, and they found it suffi- mitted, that the Preservation of the Peace Bill had, in one sense, been beneficial in its operation, because it departed from the principle of its formation; it did not confer profit upon those who expected that would have been its result; on the contrary, it shewed in its operation, that patronage was not followed by government in the exercise of this Bill, and that a proper feeling interposed, to prevent so injurious an operation. He could easily believe that many efforts were made to induce the government of Ireland to call the Insur rection Act from the statute-book. Such attempts were unremitting in the year 1806: they were then peremptorily refused; and he from his official situation well knew, that motives widely different from an anxiety for the public welfare, had called forth those applications. He would here assure the House, that nothing could be more impolitic than to impress upon the lower orders of the Irish people, the opinion that nothing but the strong hand of the law could arrest the influence of their conduct. It was important for the House to consider the injurious effect which would follow the enforcement of such measures in a country like Ireland. This would be nothing less, in public opinion, than consigning a Catholic population to the control of an Orange faction. That was in itself an important consideration. Mr. Ponsonby concluded an able speech by stating, that he meant not to oppose the present Bill, but to shew the impolicy of resorting for partial and local excesses to extraneous measures; when, if the magistrates did their duty, the public peace could, in the ordinary way, be preserved, without 'ulterior measures. It was also most essential, that the fine which accompanied the Bill should be wholly limited to the district under its operation. Mr. Peel said, that although he was desirous of troubling the House as little as possible, yet he felt himself called upon to make some observation upon what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman. The House would perceive, that he rose upon this occasion under considerable disadvantage, when it was recollected that the right hon. gentleman had taken this opportunity of replying to a speech which he had made nearly four months ago. The right hon. gentleman, however, seemed to have forgotten the substance of that statement, upon which he had selected this occasion to comment. He had ac cused him (Mr. Peel) of having, last session, made an exaggerated representation of the disturbances which existed in Ireland-of having been, in the first instance, deceived himself, and of having afterwards been the means of deceiving the House respecting the real state of that country. The right hon. gentleman had charged him with having said, that Ireland was in almost a general state of insurrection. To that assertion he must give the most distinct denial; in fact, the nature of the statement he had made last session, was the very reverse of that imputed to him by the right hon. gentle. man; he had distinctly disclaimed the intention of throwing any general imputation upon the population of Ireland; the measure he introduced was not one of general operation, and was only calculated to be applied to any particular district, which might happen to be in a state of disturbance. Such was the nature of the Bill which he proposed; and the very ground of his argument was, that it was not necessary to prove general insubordination, but that, if he could shew that there were two or three parts of Ireland in such a state that the law could not be enforced for the protection of the innocent, or the punishment of the guilty, he had done enough to justify the introduction of the Bill, in order to be applied to the disturbed parts. He had endeavoured to guard himself against the imputation which the right hon. gentleman had thrown upon him, namely, that of suffering himself to be deceived by false or exaggerated representations, and of afterwards deceiving the House. He recollected that he told the House that he had received numerous accounts of outrages committed in different parts of Ireland, but that he was willing to make allowance for the possibility of exaggerated statements from gentlemen who lived in the country, and who remembered and dreaded a repetition of the dreadful scenes of 1798. He had, therefore, almost entirely confined himself to the production of documents, the authenticity of which could not be questioned, some of which he would recal to the recollection of the right hon. gentle man; but the House must be aware of the disadvantages he must labour under, in going now into a detail which it was impossible for him to have anticipated. Two of the representations which he had read, were from the grand juries of the King's County, and of the county of |