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Irish Taxes.

They ought now to see

session; and if the gentlemen thought it | to supply her proportion, as regulated by
necessary to bring these duties under the this estimate.
consideration of the House in any other
shape, the adoption of those modifications
would not prevent them.

what the permanent good of Ireland re-
quired, and that required that the article
under consideration should be kept as low
as possible. The habitations of the pea-
santry were known to be small and dirty;
the gentry of Ireland had manifested a
great disposition to remedy this evil, and
therefore it was a matter of vast impor-
tance that so desirable an object should
not be impeded by any additional tax
upon an article so necessary to its success.

Mr. W. Fitzgerald said, that it would
be impossible to adopt the advice of the
right hon. gentleman. The sound inter-
pretation of the Act of Union he deemed
to be, that no tax could be imposed in
Ireland upon a subject not taxed in Eng-
land [here Mr. Ponsonby and sir J. New-
port signified their dissent], nor could any
article be taxed higher in Ireland than in
England. He was surprised that the right
hon. gentlemen had not taken the same
view that he did; and he confessed, that
he should seek the authority of a resolu-
tion of that House, before he acted on
their interpretation. But he really was
not aware of any articles that could be
taxed, or of any old one that would admit
of such an increase of duty, as would sup-
ply the deficiency of revenue which must
arise, if the House dissented now from the
opinion which it had held before.

Mr. Ponsonby thought it would be better to let the measure stand over, until communications could be received from the people concerned in the trade. As to the general principles which the right hon. gentleman had stated, he admitted them to be true; but particular circumstances might alter the application of those principles; and the case of Ireland, he thought, was precisely the one in which those circumstances were to be found as relative He put it to the to the present tax. British members who had visited that country, whether the small quantity of timber was not remarkable, and particularly in the growth of fir? The fact was, that this latter kind was in great disrepute at home; they would rather give a much higher price for the foreign. He could state a ridiculous instance, in which this fact was proved by an experiment of a friend of his. During the continuance of hostilities in the north, his friend wished to dispose of some old fir-trees; but the timber-merchant having offered him what he thought much under their value, on the ground that they were of home growth, the expedient adopted by the gentleman was, to ship them off to Cork, and then Mr. Peel said, that he principally rose back again; after which he sold them at his own price, under the denomination of with the view of noticing two observations foreign timber. Mr. Ponsonby said, he which had fallen in the course of this deknew the critical situation in which any bate from the right hon. gentlemen oppoIn those observations he man stood who had to tax Ireland: she site to him. was not in a situation to afford what was fully concurred, and he had heard them expected from her. As to the manner of with great satisfaction. The right hon. estimating the proportion of contribution baronet has said, that though the peaon the part of Ireland, which was adopted santry of Ireland were badly lodged, yet at the time of the Union, nothing could be that they were well fed; that if you ofmore fallacious. The quantities of wine, fered them wheaten bread, they would spirits, and beer consumed, as compared prefer their present diet to it; and that with the consumption of the same articles penury and scarcity must not be inferred, in this kingdom, was taken as furnishing because they lived principally upon potatoes. The right hon. gentleman had said, the proportion of their respective means; but any man who knew any thing of the that this was an improper season for laying habits of Ireland, must know that an indi-heavy duties on timber, when the landed vidual possessed of any given property there, would consume much more than one possessed of the same fortune in Great Britain. But it was chargeable with another fallacy, that consumption was sup-ness. posed to continue, though the very Act of Union brought many of its most wealthy residents to this country. He was solemnly of opinion, that Ireland was unable

proprietors and landholders of Ireland evinced such a desire to ameliorate the condition of the peasantry, and to administer to their comforts and their happi

He had heard these observations with real satisfaction, and for this reason, because they were in direct contradiction of certain unfounded and inflammatory statements which had proceeded from a

quarter from whence they might have been least expected, and which they least became. He was glad to find that the two right hon. gentlemen came forward, though not perhaps with that intention, to correct the gross delusion which prevailed in the country upon this subject, and to contradict, on authority which could hardly be questioned, the still more gross misrepresentation by which it was attempted to keep alive and propagate that delusion. He was glad to hear them tell this House and this country, that it was not true, as had been asserted, that the peasantry of Ireland were in a worse condition than English swine; and that it was a libel upon the landholders of Ireland, to publish to the world that they had no interest in the prosperity of their tenantry, and that their sole object is to extract from the wretched peasant a rent which he cannot afford to pay. Mr. Peel concluded by saying, that he wished most sincerely, and every friend to Ireland must wish, that the comforts of the peasantry should be increased; he believed they were badly lodged, but he had every hope that their condition was in this respect improving. With regard to fuel and to food, he was perfectly satisfied that there were many parts of England in which the lower orders, were infinitely worse provided with these essential articles of life than the lowest description of peasantry in Ireland.

Mr. Courtenay declared, that there was a great and radical objection to a tax of this nature; it not only prevented improvements in habitations, but also in agriculture, and other branches of industry. There was a manifest spirit of improvement in Ireland, which this tax would check and diminish. No tax could be more injurious; and he could not agree that there existed no means of raising the sum upon a different article,

Mr. Rose could not understand why the duties on timber should be so modified as to meet the purposes of agriculture in Ireland more than in England. He had always considered, from the moment of the Union, that the greatest care should be taken of the prosperity of Ireland; but there was no reason that any particular preference should be given to it. The measure of the right hon. gentleman appeared to him to be very just and proper.

It was then agreed, that it should be an instruction to the committee to make a provision pursuant to the said resolution.

IRISH SUPERINTENDING MAGISTRATES BILL.] Mr. Peel moved the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a committee on this Bill.

Sir J. Newport said, he had no objection whatever to the principle of the measure; but he wished that, in conformity to the ancient law of England in this respect, the vicinage on which the provisions of the Bill were to operate, should be more distinctly marked. In many cases the disturbance might exist in a single parish or townland; but by the use of the vague word barony,' it would frequently hap pen that a large district, in which no fault had been committed, would nevertheless be visited with punishment.-The House then resolved itself into the committee.

Mr Peel expressed his concurrence in the propriety of the observations of the right hon. baronet. The fact was, that the Bill was introduced for the express purpose of lessening the burthens of the original measure. An inconvenience might arise, however, from confining the operation of it to a too limited a district. Indeed, it could hardly occur that a disturbance should take place in a single parish or townland; and if it did, the expense that would fall on that spot would be too enormous. Perhaps it might be well to give the lord lieutenant power to declare a part,' or 'parts,' in a state of disturbance, leaving the extent to his discretion. He would not actually pledge himself to the support of such a proposition; but he should like to hear what could be said in support of it; and it might be embodied in a clause, and annexed to the Bill at a subsequent period.

Sir J. Newport said, that the mode hinted at by the right hon. gentleman met his ideas perfectly. His object was to narrow the visitation of the measure in any way that should make it commensurate with the district in which the fault had been committed.

The Bill then went through the committee.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Thursday, November 24.

The Duke of Norfolk gave notice of his intention, shortly after the recess, to submit a proposition to their lordships, the object of which would be an improvement in the mode, in certain respects, of keeping the Journals of the House: particularly with reference to the mode of enter

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ing the divisions. What he meant to propose would be, to a certain extent, an innovation; on which account he was induced to give this early notice.

PROPERTY TAX.] The Duke of Norfolk took occasion, seeing the noble earl in his place, to notice a circumstance which had made some impression on the public mind. He understood that some printed papers were circulated in London, which stated that the property tax was to be collected up to April 1816, as well as 1815. His grace was desirous to be informed, and he conceived that the public were entitled to some explanation of the fact, whether it was the intention of his Majesty's ministers that the operation of the Act should be so extended, as the present Act was to expire on the 5th of April, 1815?

The Earl of Liverpool stated in answer, that it was of course impossible the measure alluded to could take place without the concurrence of parliament. If, therefore, it appeared to his Majesty's ministers, on a review of all the circumstances, that such an enlargement of the Act was necessary, due notice would be given, and the measure itself would be brought regularly before parliament.

LORD WALSINGHAM.] The Prince Regent's Message, recommending the services of lord Walsingham to their lordships' consideration, being read,

The Earl of Liverpool expressed his conviction, that it would be a waste of their lordships' time to preface his intended motion with any observations, after the vote which had already passed the other House. The ability, the integrity, the zeal and industry of the noble person alluded to, were fresh in their lordships' recollection, and they had carried the Address expressive of their approbation unanimously to the foot of the throne. He should therefore content himself with barely moving, in the present instance, for an Address, concurring in the Act of the other House of Parliament, by which an annuity of 2,000l. a year was voted to his lordship.

The Duke of Norfolk stated, that he could not content himself with a silent vote on the present occasion. The business of the House had benefitted in a great degree by the labours of the noble lord, and considerable facilities were created by his industry, to the progress both of private and public measures. He had,

indeed, so regulated and methodised the office in which he presided, that the noble lord by whom he was succeeded, would find the duties of the situation much more easy of performance than in preceding instances. His grace concluded with observing, that no pension was ever better deserved, and he was confident none would be more cheerfully paid.

The motion was agreed to nem. dis.

AMERICAN WAR.] On the second reading of the Exchequer bills Bill,

The Duke of Norfolk took occasion to advert to the state of affairs in America. The Speech of the Prince Regent, at the commencement of the session, had stated the anxious desire of his Royal Highness to put an end to hostilities with America; and if such was the desire of government, they would naturally refrain from every unnecessary expression which was calculated to irritate instead of producing reconciliation. In the Speech it was stated, that in the war the Americans had been the unprovoked aggressors. Without disputing about the question whether this was or was not the fact, the expression might have been spared; and where the object was to conciliate, it ought not to have been inserted. However, the Speech went on to state, that the war had been carried on with success; and in that respect the country had certainly been disappointed, as evidently appeared from the subsequent disasters on Lake Champlain and in other quarters. There were reports, too, that the war was carried on, not for the support of our maritime rights, or of any great principle, but merely for the aggrandizement of our territories in that country. A war carried on with such views, if they could be supposed to be the views of the British government, could not be expected soon to terminate, and could hardly be attended with ultimate success. The expense of such a war might be greater than the value of the whole in our possessions in America; and he therefore hoped that the British government would not insist upon any unreasonable concessions, but conduct the negociation in that manner, and with those views which were best calculated to attain the grand object of a speedy and honourable termination of the contest. The noble duke also wished to know why the official accounts of the transactions at Plattsburgh were withheld from the public. It was the duty of the government

to communicate them, whenever they arrived in an authentic shape from the proper officer.

The Earl of Liverpool was not aware that there was any thing in the observations of the noble duke that called upon him to trouble their lordships at any length. But as to the affair on Lake Champlain, it was known when the Prince Regent's Speech was delivered, and particularly referred to in that Speech. As to the non-publication of the dispatches relative to the transactions at Plattsburgh, government had some time ago received the accounts of the one description of service, but the publication had for reasons, of which the noble duke must be aware, been delayed till the accounts of the other description of service arrived. He had now however to inform the noble duke, that the accounts of both services had been received, and that those of the military and naval service would appear in the Gazette of Saturday.

having in his absence given notice of a motion for the production of these papers. This was one of many points to which he should probably be under the necessity of calling their lordships' attention, before they went into that inquiry to which he was anxious to bring the utmost impartiality, and, if he might use the expression, a judicial mind. The noble lord had, with great candour, promised every possible information on the subject, and he had no doubt would willingly supply it. He did not wish this to be taken up as a party question; but an impression certainly prevailed, that there had been some mismanagement in the naval department, and it was therefore fitting that there should be inquiry, especially after the disasters which had taken place. It was due to the brave officers and men who had fallen in the unequal contests to which they had been driven, that the matter should be thoroughly sifted. One subject on which it would be necessary to have some information was, the building of a class of vessels for the purpose of contending upon more NAVAL ADMINISTRATION.] The Earl of equal terms with the American sloops of Donoughmore rose, to make the motion war. These, instead of answering their of which he had given fotice, on the purpose, had, if he was rightly informed, subject of the naval administration of been found to be almost useless. He might the country. The motion was for an Ad- be mistaken on this point, but at all events dress to the Prince Regent, praying" that it was necessary that information should he would be graciously pleased to lay on be procured respecting it upon which the the table, copies of representations made House could rely, that it might be ascerto his Royal Highness on the want of tained whether, after the experience which protection to trade, by the merchants and the Admiralty had derived from the disasship-owners of Liverpool, Glasgow, Port-ters that had happened to some of our friGlasgow, Greenock, and London." The object of this motion was to show, that there existed in the country an impression that the naval department had been improperly conducted.

The Bill was then read a second time.

Viscount Melville did not mean to oppose the motion; indeed he stood pledged to their lordships to agree to it: but he now expressed his complete conviction that he could satisfy their lordships that the general statements in these papers were unfounded. In every war some vessels must be captured; but the general statements, as far as they were intended to establish a case against the Admiralty, were entirely incorrect, as he undertook to prove when the proper occasion arrived, He ought however to state, that he was not aware of any representation having been presented to the Prince Regent from London.

The Earl of Darnley expressed his obligation to the noble earl near him, for

gates, all this expense had been incurred without having answered any good purpose whatever. On this and other points he should probably submit motions to their lordships.

The Address was agreed to.

The Earl of Donoughmore then stated, that he had another motion to make connected with the same subject, for which a precedent had occurred at the period when lord Sandwich was at the head of the Admiralty. The motion was for the weekly accounts of the state of the naval force under sir Alexander Cochrane on the American station, from August last inclusive, up to the latest period at which the same could be made up. The reason why he moved for this return was, that he understood that representations had been made, that the Leander, which had been stationed off Boston to watch the Constitution American frigate, had been so much in want of stores, that if the Con

stitution were to weigh anchor, it would be impossible for the Leander to give chase. The noble lord at the head of the Admiralty could perhaps inform the House, whether there was any foundation for this report.

Viscount Melville stated, that he must decidedly object to the noble earl's motion. It had been stated, that there was a precedent for it, when lord Sandwich was at the head of the Admiralty. Whether there was a precedent for such an account being granted he did not know-he had certainly never seen it; but, at any rate, to give an account of the state of our naval force off a hostile station, of what that force was now, had been at no distant period, and was likely to be for some time to come, would be attended with so much mischief, that it was impossible, as he apprehended, for their lordships to agree to this motion. With respect to what the noble earl had stated in regard to the Leander, he could only say, that he never had received any information of the description to which the noble earl had adverted. Judging, however, from probabilities and the nature of the case, he must say, that it was extremely unlikely that the Leander should have been in want of stores, as the noble earl had stated. That ship was in a place where any stores that she might want could easily be supplied, and where they had been supplied on former occasions and the whole story was so excessively improbable, that he certainly gave it no credit whatever.

the Peace in Ireland;" and in order to
shew the beneficial effects which the mea-
sure had produced, he had entered into a
statement, which appeared to him (lord
Donoughmore) to be most extraordinary-
statement, to which if he could give
his assent, he should feel extremely happy
at the successful exertions that had been
made to restore and preserve the tran-
quillity of Ireland. The right hon. gen-'
tleman's speech was of so curious a nature,
it contained assertions so extraordinary,
that he had taken the trouble of exa-
mining it, paragraph by paragraph; and
he would now state to their lordships the
conviction of his mind on the subject:
it was his duty so to do, both in justice to
himself, and, he might say, for the purpose
of undeceiving parliament. He trusted
the House would pay that attention to the
subject which it demanded-while he
commented on the statement made by
the right hon. gentleman, to whom he
had already adverted, in another place.
(Order, order).

The Lord Chancellor observed, that it was contrary to the usage of that House to permit observations to be made on what had been stated elsewhere.

The Earl of Donoughmore admitted that he was wrong in alluding to the speech in the manner he had done. He should have mentioned it as a report which he had seen published in the newspapers. What his lordship meant to do was, to state his opinion of the correctness of a declaration, made by a high official cha

The motion was then put, and negatived.racter, as to the effect of a Bill which had

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been introduced by him. His lordship PRESERVATION OF THE PEACE IN IRE- then read the following extract from Mr. LAND.] The Earl of Donoughmore begged Peel's speech, delivered in the House of to call to the recollection of their lordships, Commons, on the 18th instant. that, early in the present session, he ex- the unanimous request of a most numerous pressed a wish that something had been and respectable body of magistrates of the said, in the Speech from the throne, rela- county of Tipperary, the barony of Midtive to the state of Ireland; which, at the dlethird, in that county, had been declared close of the last session, was by no means by the lord lieutenant in a state of dissatisfactory. Nothing having been said turbance, and a superintending magistrate on that interesting subject, he was glad to and special constables appointed accordfind that a full exposition had been made, ingly. The result had proved the benein another place, by a right hon. gentle- ficial tendency of the measure. It was man (Mr. Peel), who filled the office of but on the 24th of September that the chief secretary for Ireland. The state- proclamation was issued, and the barony ment to which his lordship alluded, was was now brought to a state of complete offered as the ground of a motion made tranquillity; and that by no extraordinary by that right hon. gentleman, for an altera-act of rigour, but merely by putting the tion of one of the two measures which he existing laws into greater activity. had introduced in the last session. The had the operation of the measure been Bill which he sought to amend, was confined to the district in which it was intituled, "A Bill for the Preservation of enforced; it had extended itself to the (VOL. XXIX.) (2 K)

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