cellor of the Exchequer had in the opinion | the governor of the Bank, and the refusal he had expressed: The numbers on the division were— 38 of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to agree to the introduction of the words proposed as an amendment. This would give them a proper idea of the confidence --96 the right hon. gentleman put in the opinion he had expressed. 134 BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] Immediately after the above division, the House went into a committee for continuing an Act of the 44th of his Majesty, to continue the restrictions on payments of cash by the Bank of England. The Chancellor having moved, that the said restrictions should continue to the 5th of July, 1816, Mr. Grenfell proposed his amendment, that the words" and no longer," be added thereto. The Chancellor of the Exchequer objected to the amendment, upon the ground that it would seem to limit the discretion of the House. Mr. Horner inferred, and was sure the House would infer, from the silence of the governor of the Bank of England, that he looked to the event of the resumption of cash payments with any thing but hope and satisfaction. Mr. Tierney thought the words of the amendment would shew that they were more in earnest than was usual on such subjects. If a case could be made out to justify the adoption of the measure afterwards, it would be competent to the right hon. gentleman to move it. Mr. Ponsonby called upon the House to notice the coincidence, in the silence of Mr. Baring did not think that payments could then be resumed with any safety; and that the insertion of these words might have the effect of inducing some conscientious persons to make greater exertions than would otherwise be consistent with their duty. HOUSE OF LORDS. CORN LAWS.] Earl Stanhope said, he held in his hands three petitions, each of them numerously and respectably signed, against the intended new regulations relating to corn and grain. Two of these petitions were from Spital-fields, and one of them was signed by about 6,000 persons. He took that opportunity of calling their lordships attention to a charge, that had been made against him last night; he having been represented as wishing to reduce the taxes in a way which would sacrifice the interests and rights of the public creditor, and deprive the nation of a proper peace establishment. Having been thus grossly misrepresented, he thought it due to himself, and to the cause of justice, to call their lordships attention to the true state of the case. He had last year proposed for their lordships consideration, a resolution, which now stood on their Journals, and was to this effect: that the agricultural classes ought to be relieved from direct taxation, as far as that could be done consistently with the keeping inviolable faith with the public creditor, and the preservation of a proper and adequate peace establishment. Would any one in that House again accuse him of a wish to defraud the public creditor, or to prevent the support of an adequate peace establishment? He was persuaded that no person, after reading that resolu tion, could come forward with such an accusation. The petitions were ordered to lie on the table. Lord Grenville said, he had in his hand a petition from the church-wardens, freeholders, and inhabitants of the parish of St. Luke, against the proposed alterations in the corn laws, and this petition he was now about to present to their lordships. It was signed by between 7 and 8,000 persons in the course of 16 or 18 hours, certainly not two days. He stated that circumstance merely as an instance to show that those were widely mistaken who thought that the proceedings with respect to the corn laws were not generally and deeply felt. Whatever might be the ultimate judgment of parliament as to the proper course to be taken upon this important subject, it would well become the dignity of the legislature, not to hurry forward any measure that might be in contemplation. Little could be gained by precipitation-by running a race with the subjects of this country, so as to have the measure passed before the people had an opportunity of declaring their opinion upon it. If the legislature really wished its decisions to be treated with that respect and deference which ought to be felt towards the proceedings of parliament, it was of the last importance that there should be no appearance of hurry and precipitation, no attempt to prevent the voice of the people, when regularly and temperately expressed, from being heard and duly attended to. But at any rate, no precipitation could prevent the general, he might say almost universal sense of the people from being expressed and felt. He wished their lordships to observe, that this petition was signed, not merely by those on whom the proposed regulations would press most heavily, but by a great number of landholders, who were convinced that the principal article of subsistence with the poorer classes ought not to be touched by those regulations. Deeply convinced of the soundness of the opinion which he himself entertained on this most interesting subject, he was anxious to take every opportunity of declaring that opinion, and of promoting to the utmost of his power the most attentive consideration, the most mature and ample discussion, and the most cautious and deliberate mode of proceeding, when they were about to legislate on a matter of such vital importance to the community. He deeply regretted, therefore, that he did not happen to be in his place last night, when some discussion on the subject had taken place; but, whatever might be the difference of opinion among them, in this at least he should imagine that all must be agreed,-that in legislating on this question every appearance of precipitation ought to be avoided, and every opportunity afforded to collect information and the sense of the nation at large from all quarters of the empire. He The petition was then laid on the table. The Earl of Darnley wished that his noble friend had been present last night to have stated what he might have thought proper on this certainly interesting subject; and he wished it the more on account of the deference which he felt for his noble friend's opinion-a deference so great, that when he had the misfortune to differ from him, he was almost ready to distrust the soundness of his own conclusions. had last night adverted to a statement alleged to have been made by the chief magistrate of London, that the price of the quartern loaf would be raised by the proposed regulations to 16d., and he now wished to move for the production of a document which would show how erroneous such an opinion was, supposing it to have been expressed. The price of the quarter of corn might be far beyond 80s. without the quartern loaf being at so high a price as is. 4d. or any thing like it. That the price of bread in London was higher in general than it ought to be with reference to the price of corn, was true; but that must be the effect of bad regulations. He concluded by moving for an account of the average prices of grain, flour, and bread in the London market during the last ten years. Lord Grenville admitted, that this document might be the means of bringing important information before the House; but it would not be complete without a similar account of the prices in the maritime districts, which regulated the importation of grain. He moved, therefore, for a return of the average prices of grain, flour, and bread in the 12 maritime districts of England and Wales since 1792.-Both accounts were ordered. SCOTCH TRIAL BY JURY BILL.] The report of the Scotch Jury Trial Bill was taken into consideration, and the Lord Chancellor proposed a clause, providing, That the jury must be unanimous in their verdict as in England, and that the man who was first drawn, or first answered to his name, should be the foreman or chan cellor. These amendments were unanimously agreed to. The Lord Chancellor then stated, that he had considered the subject, with a view to ascertain whether it was possible to point out any particular classes of cases with respect to which it would be compulsory on the part of judges to allow the jury trial at the request of the parties. This he had done out of deference to the opinion of the noble lord (Grenville), who had suggested the propriety of such a provision; but he was sorry to say that he did not see how that object could possibly be at present accomplished. Lord Grenville could not suffer the Bill to pass without expressing a further opinion. He certainly regretted that it had appeared to those whose experience was much superior to his own, that no line could be drawn for the discretion of the judicature. However, the measure was only in its commencement, and time might find a remedy here as in other things. The next feature was, that it was to be subjected to the perpetual care and perpetual revision of the House. The last point was the unanimity of the Jury. Without settling that point, nothing was done; but as the Bill now stood, though it by no means came up to his desires, he could not but look upon it as one of the most important boons within the power of the legislature to give to Scotland. The Bill was ordered to be engrossed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, March 3. PETITIONS AGAINST THE CORN BILL.] Mr. Peter Moore presented a Petition from Coventry against any alteration of the Corn Laws at the present moment, as its tendency would be so materially to affect the commercial and trading classes of the community. It was signed by upwards of 9,000 persons. He trusted that, in moving for leave to bring up this petition, he should be indulged in a few words, as they were due to his constituents. They bad borne all the burthens of the war, at least an ample share of those burthens, with the most exemplary patience. They saw the difficulties with which the war fixed the country; but they justly looked forward to the period when peace should arrive, as the time when the nation would be relieved from many of its burthens. It seemed, however, that they, in common with the country at large, were to be dis | appointed. Their opinions on this measure still were what they last year expressed them to be; they remained unaltered; or if they had altered, they were more decidedly against the principle of the Bill. Such he believed to be the case with the whole country, and if the opinion of the people had altered since last year, it had only altered in extent against the measure; for he felt convinced that where the House received 50 petitions last year against the proposed alterations, they would this year receive 500, should the Bill be persevered in. The petitioners had expressed the fear that its promoters were attempting to hurry the measure through the House, without giving fair time to the country to express an opinion on it: and, from what be had seen, he regretted to say that he thought they had properly expressed such fear. He trusted the House would see the propriety of consulting their own dignity and the feelings of the people, by proceeding with that deliberation which would allow the country time to express their opinion; for if they did not, it would give the people but too much reason to say that the House had decided their cause without hearing their evidence. Mr. Butterworth seconded the motion, observing, that nearly the whole population of Coventry had signed this petition, which besought the House not to make any alteration in the corn laws at present. He thought it was the duty of the House to pay no common attention to such petitions; and as the extraordinary rise which had recently taken place in the price of grain had already created a serious alarm throughout the country respecting the tendency of this measure, he hoped that time would be allowed to enable the House to learn what the opinion of the nation really was on the subject. To precipitate the measure could do no good, and might be productive of much harm. As to the course which he should pursue, he should most undoubtedly support the prayer of the petitioners in every stage of the Bill. Mr. Calvert presented a Petition from the parish of Christ-Church, Surrey, praying that no alteration might be made in the corn laws. The population of the parish amounted to 11,000 including women and children, and the petition was signed by upwards of 3,000 persons. Although the petitioners did not complain of having borne all the burthens of the war, like those of Coventry, they justly urged the extensive burthens which they The Petitions were ordered to lie on the table. had borne, and with unexampled patience, I waste of war, by 1,700,000 or 1,800,000 in common with the rest of the country, souls, and there was no reason why it as reasons against a measure, the tendency should not go on. On every ground, he of which they could not but deem calcu- was anxious to resist the precipitation lated to keep up the price of corn. The with which it was endeavoured to pass the petition was couched in strong language; Bill through the House. As it affected but believing that it contained only the the whole population of the country, they truth, he should feel himself bound to sup- were entitled to be heard on the subject. port its prayer. He knew that his constituents, at Nottingham, were preparing petitions; and would it not be matter of regret, if they were prevented from being heard by means of indecent precipitation? There was one part of the Bill on which the information of the House was quite insufficient,-that of taking the averages. The right hon. gentleman who proposed the resolutions Mr. Lambton deprecated the haste with acknowledged the present mode to be which such an important measure was at-faulty and defective, though he added, tempted to be hurried through its stages. He said he never would vote in support of any Bill, against which the wishes of the people had been so strongly, so generally, and so unequivocally expressed as they had been against the present. He should, therefore, move, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. CORN BILL.] On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the second reading of the Bill to amend the laws now in force for regulating the importation of corn, corn. Mr. John Smith seconded the motion. He was inclined to think, that the present distress of the farmers chiefly arose from the deficient crop of last year, owing to the prevalence of blight. At the period of last harvest, however, there was a large surplus of the abundant crop of 1813, so that it was impossible for the price to rise in proportion to the failure which then took place. If the next crop should hap. pen to be a good one, he was satisfied that no resolutions or bills which the House might pass would keep up the price of It had been stated by an hon. gentleman, (the member for Colchester,) that England was capable of growing wheat enough for her own consumption. He had once been inclined to this opinion; but on looking at the returns on the table of the immense imports of grain during the last 13 years, he was compelled to infer that at present the country was not capable of growing enough. Perhaps the hon. gentleman meant that it might be capable at some future period but surely it could not be forgotten, that our population would always keep pace with the means of subsistence; if the latter increased by means of additional tillage, our population would increase in exact proportion. It appeared from the recently presented returns, that in the last 10 years our population had increased amidst all the that in his opinion, it was not likely to be improved by any other course. But the House should see their way distinctly and fully on this important point, before they proceeded to legislate upon it. He had read the whole of the evidence contained in the Corn Report of last session, but it by no means followed from that evidence, that the import price should be fixed so high as 80s. It should be recollected that the witnesses fixed that rate as a fair remuneration for the farmer, from a view of the then prices of labour and rate of taxation. Now, the price of labour had already fallen in some parts, and would probably fall still more. Supposing, then, that on a particular farm 10l. a week was paid for labour, would not a fall of 25 per cent. on wages produce a considerable effect? It could not be doubted that from the reduction of the army and navy, there would be a great addition to the number of disposable labourers in all parts of the. country; and he knew from the experience of the manufacturers in the town he represented, that many of the men who had served in the navy were ardently desirous of returning to labour. If, then, the price of labour must fall, he had no doubt that the same witnesses, if reexamined, would say that 75s. was a fair remunerating price for the farmer. The House, therefore, was now legislating on evidence which did not apply to the present circumstances. He was persuaded that if the Bill passed into a law, it would have the effect of exciting a sentiment throughout the whole kingdom, that the House had attended to their own interests, not to those of the people at large. Without, however, himself participating in the opinion that gentlemen were actuated by personal motives, still he thought that every thing should be done to prevent such a mischievous impression, being convinced that the belief of the people would be such as he had stated, unless greater time were given for consideration. If the people were in error, the more time that was given for discussion, the better would be the chance that error would be corrected. Mr. Babington said, that while he highly respected the agricultural interest, and wished it to be properly supported, he could not give his assent to the proposed restricting price. The decision of this question depended on the consideration of a great variety of circumstances. In the first place, they had to examine it with reference to our foreign trade. Our manufactures were sent to every part of the world; but they never would be able to compete with those of foreign countries, unless labour were cheap, and that depended on the price of provisions, as compared with the rate at which they were sold on the continent of Europe. By their naval superiority, during the late war, they were possessed of a sort of monopoly; but that had ceased, of course, with the return of peace; and now they had to contend with much greater difficulties, with respect to the sale of their manufactures, than they had to encounter prior to the commencement of hostilities. In consequence of the peculiar state of the continent, many foreign countries had established manufactures of different kinds, either to provide employment for their poor, or for the convenience of possessing those articles which formerly they purchased from Great Britain. Our manufactures would, therefore, in this new state of things, have to struggle against difficulties greater than had ever before impeded them. This country, it was true, possessed many advantages in commerce and agriculture. It had an abundant capital, greater than any other kingdom could boast of. It was a nation skilled in manufactures. Indeed, it might be said, that they had a standing army of manufacturers, ready to support and extend the commerce of the country. They possessed a free constitution, which gave a degree of consequence to manufacturers, which they did not elsewhere enjoy. There were a variety of other advantages; all which combined, would, to a certain extent, but to a certain extent only, en able England to combat against the disadvantages by which her commerce and manufactures were likely to be affected. Under these circumstances, they ought to take care not to support any measure which threatened to weaken the national strength, or to paralyse the national security. Now, a very great disadvantage to our manufacturing interest would be produced, if the price of labour were augmented, by raising the price of provisions. This was a relative question, which could not be settled by looking to the home prices; they must examine the prices abroad; because, in proportion to the price of provisions on the continent, the foreign states would or would not be enabled to compete with us in the different markets. On an average, looking to the price of grain in the north of Europe, in Flanders, France, &c. it might be rated at 40s. per quarter-grain being, from a variety of causes, the neglect of tillage, the march of large armies, &c. dearer in the present than it would probably be in future years. Now, should the price of grain on the continent gradually decrease, and the rate of manufacturing labour become lower in proportion, how could this country hope to meet the foreign manufacturer in his own market, if a restricting price of 80s. were imposed? In his opinion they could not proceed farther than 63s. or at farthest 66s.; if they went to 80s. it would be stretching the bow too much. If corn were sold under the limited price, it would be in consequence of our growing sufficient for our own consumption. And, should a very abundant season occur, there would be a considerable superflux-how was it to be disposed of? The middle-man would not take charge of so perishable a commodity. Recourse must then be had to exportation. But where were they likely to find a vent for this superfluous grain? It was not probable that any market would be found for it on the continent. The consequence would be, that the necessary re-action must produce an effect far more prejudicial to the farmer, than could flow from the present moderate price of corn. If they adopted the restricting price of 635. they would only go back to the situation in which they stood in 1804, with the exception of the taxes. Laying the taxes for the present out of the question, he did not think there was any great hardship in recurring to the system of 1804. They were, at that period, a great, a happy, a |