The

He likewise was anxious to ask ministers a question relative to a subject which they wished probably to forget altogether-he alluded to the Catholic question. person whose situation it was alleged was the principal obstacle to the concessions to the Catholics, had since been restored to his former territories and high functions, through the exertions of ministers; and he wished to know whether, that main objection being now done away, it was the intention of ministers to propose any mea. sure for the relief of his Majesty's Catholic subjects?

The Earl of Liverpool, with respect to the militia, observed, that his noble friend had been misunderstood with regard to the Bill intended to be proposed. It was by no means a permanent measure, as the noble earl who had just sat down seemed to suppose; but merely this, that for whatever time the militia continued embodied, the counties and townships should be exonerated from the expense. He lamented as much as any one the burthen and inconvenience to which individuals were exposed by continuing the militia embodied; but it might be relied upon, that it would no longer be continued than the exigency of the public service required. With regard to Ireland, he was not aware that the bills to which the noble earl had alluded had been applied in more than one instance; but he was persuaded that they had operated in the way in which alone they were intended, namely, as preventive measures, and that to them the tranquil state of the country was in a great measure to be attributed. With respect to the question regarding the Roman Catholics, the noble earl must be aware what his sentiments were upon that point; and that though he more particularly objected to the proposed concessions to the Roman Catholics on the ground of the then situation of the sovereign of Rome, yet that he had also other and strong objections to these concessions. As to the want of information regarding the state of the continent, it was of course the inevitable result of the pendency of negociations involving complicated and most important interests, and during the pendency of which it of course followed that no information respecting them could be communicated to parliament.

noble viscount had said, that at the beginning of the seven years war there was no danger of invasion; now, the fact was, that in 1756 so great was the danger of invasion, that German troops were called into this country in the contemplation of that event. As to the American war, the noble viscount had answered himself, by stating that there were only, 6,000 men in the country at the time. In 1792, at the beginning of the French war, it was true there was not much danger of invasion; but the danger of insurrection, which was one of the contingencies stated in the act as proper for the exercise of the royal prerogative of calling out the militia, was imminent. The country on that occasion were convinced of the necessity, and gave credit to the ministry for the motive. The motives now alleged were the internal and external calls for a military force. As to the necessity for troops to provide for the garrisons at home, to call out the militia for this purpose, while we were at peace with all the powers of Europe, and with a large regular force not employed in active service, was a violation of the law and usage respecting this force And as to the foreign calls for British troops, the Prince Regent's ministers were not justified in coming to parliament with this plea, when they refused to communicate even the fact of their being continued on the continent since the conclusion of the peace. As their lordships were ignorant of any grounds on which British troops could be employed abroad, and as we were at peace, not only with Europe, but with every country from which a possibility of invasion could arise, their lordships had sufficient motives for agreeing to the motion.

He likewise was anxious to ask ministers a question relative to a subject which they wished probably to forget altogether-he alluded to the Catholic question. The person whose situation it was alleged was the principal obstacle to the concessions to the Catholics, had since been restored to his former territories and high functions, through the exertions of ministers; and he wished to know whether, that main objection being now done away, it was the intention of ministers to propose any mea sure for the relief of his Majesty's Catholic subjects?

The Earl of Liverpool, with respect to the militia, observed, that his noble friend had been misunderstood with regard to the Bill intended to be proposed. It was by no means a permanent measure, as the noble earl who had just sat down seemed to suppose; but merely this, that for whatever time the militia continued embodied, the counties and townships should be exonerated from the expense, He lamented as much as any one the burthen and inconvenience to which individuals were exposed by continuing the militia embodied; but it might be relied upon, that it would no longer be continued than the exigency of the public service required. With regard to Ireland, he was not aware that the bills to which the noble earl had alluded had been applied in more than one instance; but he was persuaded that they had operated in the way in which alone they were intended, namely, as preventive measures, and that to them the tranquil state of the country was in a great measure to be attributed. With respect to the question regarding the Roman Catholics, the noble earl must be aware what his sentiments were upon that point; and that though he more particularly objected to the proposed concessions to the Roman Catholics on the ground of the then situation of the sovereign of Rome, yet that he had also other and strong objections to these concessions. As to the want of information regarding the state of the continent, it was of course the inevitable result of the pendency of negociations involving complicated and most important interests, and during the pendency of which it of course followed that no information respecting them could be communicated to parliament.

noble viscount had said, that at the beginning of the seven years war there was no danger of invasion; now, the fact was, that in 1756 so great was the danger of invasion, that German troops were called into this country in the contemplation of that event. As to the American war, the noble viscount had answered himself, by stating that there were only 6,000 men in the country at the time. In 1792, at the beginning of the French war, it was true there was not much danger of invasion; but the danger of insurrection, which was one of the contingencies stated in the act as proper for the exercise of the royal prerogative of calling out the militia, was imminent. The country on that occasion were convinced of the necessity, and gave credit to the ministry for the motive. The motives now alleged were the internal and external calls for a military force. As to the necessity for troops to provide for the garrisons at home, to call out the militia for this purpose, while we were at peace with all the powers of Europe, and with a large regular force not employed in active service, was a violation of the law and usage respecting this force And as to the foreign calls for Bush troops, the Prince Regent's ministers were not justified in coming to parliament with this plea, when they refused to communicate even the fact of their being continued on the continent since the conclusion of the peace. As their lordships were ignorant of any grounds on which British troops could be employed abroad, and as we were at peace, not only with Europe, but with every country from which a possibility of invasion could arise, their lordships had sufficient motives for agreeing to the motion.

The Earl of Liverpool said, that he had stated at the close of the last session of parliament, that there was an engagement in which this country had stipulated to keep up a force on the continent. From circumstances, the ratification by the other powers had not been received by this government, though we had signed that treaty. He was not aware, therefore, that it would be correct to lay the treaty in form before parliament; but he had no doubt but that, without any motion on the subject, he should be enabled to lay before the House the substance of the treaty.

The Marquis of Lansdowne thought it his duty to persist in his notice, as he conceived it would be more convenient that any discussion on the subject should take place on the day he had stated, though probably the noble earl would be able to state grounds to induce him to withdraw or alter the form of his motion. The Lords were then ordered to be summoned on Monday.

after, from the details laid on the tables of those committees, that the danger had not disappeared. The result of the details which he had adduced was, that the militia, in former times, had never been called out and embodied but under the danger of insurrection or invasion; and that when embodied, it was never kept up but when we were at war with powers within a few hours sail of our own coasts. Did the noble viscount, when he denied that there was a danger of invasion in 1778, remember the defenceless state of Ireland at that time, and the extraordinary measures to which, for the purpose of guarding against invasion, the government of that country was obliged to resort? Did he forget the immense political consequences which were the results of those measures? Did he forget that all our army was at that time in America; that in Ireland there were no regular troops; that in England there were only 6,000; that France, our enemy, was disengaged from any continental quarrel; that Spain was at liberty to employ its power against us? It was in vain to deny it: the necessity for keeping up the militia at present, arose solely from our main taining a large part of our regular force on the continent. This result rendered it necessary for the House to investigate every branch of that subject; whether there was any authority for such a proceeding; whether the circumstances of the present time justified it; and whether, if the necessity and expediency were made manifest, a full representation should not have been made to parliament, of a step which involved such an important consequence, not merely as the noble earl opposite had said, whether one county should pay a few pounds more than ano. ther, but the partial and unequal selection from among the subjects of this realm, of persons to be kept in time of peace in military array, subjected to military command and military punishment.

The motion was agreed to.

BRITISH TROOPS ON THE CONTInent.] The Marquis of Lansdowne said, that he should on Monday move an Address for the communication of the engagements entered into by this country with foreign powers, for the maintenance of British troops on the continent. It would not now be necessary to enter into farther detail, and he should merely move, that their lordships be summoned for that day.

COURT-MARTIAL ON CAPTAIN BARCLAY.] The Marquis of Buckingham gave notice, that he should on Monday move for a copy of the proceedings of the CourtMartial on captain Barclay, and the officers and men remaining, in consequence of the destruction of our fleet on Lake Erie. The object of this motion was not to throw any imputation on the officers` and men, who had been honourably acquitted, but to shew the inadequacy of our force on the Lakes at the time in question, to the protection of our colonies.

FINANCIAL PAPERS.] Mr. Tierney wished to know if it was the intention of the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer to produce, amongst the Financial Papers expected by the House previous to the discussion on the supply, the outstanding and unfunded debt, as well as the surplus of the consolidated fund for the quarters ending the first of October, 1813, and the same period in the present year?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer an. swered, that there was no intention to withhold any papers usually expected at the opening of a session: but he must only say, that it would not be possible to produce at this time any accounts relative to the application of the vote of credit for the present year.

Mr. Tierney, in reply, observed, that all he wanted was precisely the same papers which were produced at this time last year, as connected with the service of the present year.

The general accounts were then moved for, and ordered. On the question for the production of those relative to the vote of credit,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer explained, that one million had been carried to the account of the army extraordinaries, and two millions to that of the navy, the details of which could not yet be furnished. Mr. Tierney was anxious to know, whether the papers to be produced would explain the enormous arrears in the branch of the army service, which amounted to no less than 18 millions?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer explained, that the accounts would shew all the outstanding debts; but as the subsidies were so often paid by drafts from abroad, it would not be possible to say whether they were exactly correct.

SEAMEN AND MARINES' PENSION BILL.] Mr. Croker rose, pursuant to notice, to move for leave to bring in a Bill for the encouragement and reward of petty officers, seamen, and marines, for long and faithful service. He briefly stated to the House the object of this Bill. For the reward and maintenance of the seamen and royal marines, when disabled by wounds, or absolutely worn out, a fund was provided by the chest at Greenwich; but for seamen who were discharged after a certain length of service, though not abso

The governor and commissioners of Greenwich-hospital, though anxious to extend relief to that class of claimants, found themselves restricted by the act of parliament, which expressly pointed out those men only who were wounded, disabled, or worn out, as the specific objects of that fund. The intention of the present Bill was to do away that restriction, and to render the chest at Greenwich, and the Hospital there, available, as far as they would go, to all those petty officers, seamen, and royal marines, whom a certain length of service entitled to claim such benefit. It was also the intention of the board of Admiralty, after a certain length of service, to grant to seamen and royal marines a free discharge, with a pension, instead of that interminable service which now existed; taking care to make the regulations as analogous to those of the army, as, upon a fair and liberal view, the two services would admit. Another object of the Bill was, to consolidate the funds of the chest at Greenwich with those of the Royal Hospital. At present they constituted two nominally distinct establishments, with separate sets of offices, &c. having only one end in view. For the sake of economy, therefore, it was desirable in fact, as they were already in principle. These funds, thus united, would, he apprehended, be sufficient for the expenses likely to be incurred by the arrangements of the present Bill; but should they not cover the whole, that House, he trusted, would not be unwilling to extend its liberality towards so meritorious a class of individuals. He begged to remind the House of one thing: at present, all the funds, out of which the pensions of Chelsea College were paid, were borne by the public; while those at Greenwich were paid by the seamen themselves, out of their wages, &c. The army, on the contrary, suffered no deduction from their wages; and he trusted, therefore, he did not form too confident a hope in believing, that should parliamentary aid be necessary to place the two services upon an equal footing, that aid would be cheerfully granted. The exemplary conduct of the seamen and royal marines, had, on various occasions, called forth their admiration and approbation. They had, indeed, on various trying occasions, especially since the conclusion of the peace, when, from the ships being on distant stations, and other causes, it was found im