THE

Parliamentary Debates

During the Third Session of the Fifth Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, appointed to meet at Westminster, the Eighth Day of November 1814, in the Fifty-fifth Year of the Reign of His Majesty King GEORGE the Third. [Sess. 1814/15.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, November 8, 1814.

ON

THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH OPENING THE SESSION. This being the first day of the session, his royal highness the Prince Regent came down to the House in the usual state; and on entering the House, attended by the royal suite, in which the sword of state was borne by the earl of Liverpool; the cap of maintenance by the marquis of Winchester; and the imperial crown of the realm by lord James Murray; his Royal Highness took his seat on the throne. Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, gentleman usher of the Black Rod, was then sent to command the immediate

attendance of the Commons. Soon after

wards, the Speaker, accompanied by a number of members, came to the bar; when the Prince Regent delivered the following most gracious Speech from the

throne:

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "It is with deep regret that I am again obliged to announce the continuance of his Majesty's lamented indisposition.

"It would have given me great satisfaction to have been enabled to communicate to you the termination of the war between this country and the United States of America.

"Although this war originated in the most unprovoked aggression on the part of the government of the United States, and was calculated to promote the designs of the common enemy of Europe against (VOL. XXIX.)

the rights and independence of all other nations, I never have ceased to entertain a sincere desire to bring it to a conclusion on just and honourable terms.

"I am still engaged in negociations for this purpose; the success of them must, however, depend on my disposition being met with corresponding sentiments on the part of the enemy.

"The operations of his Majesty's forces by sea and land in the Chesapeake, in the course of the present year, have been attended with the most brilliant and suc cessful results.

"The flotilla of the enemy in the Patuxent has been destroyed. The signal defeat of their land forces enabled a detachment of his Majesty's army to take possession of the city of Washington; and the spirit of enterprize which has characterized all the movements in that quarter has produced on the inhabitants a deep and sensible impression of the calamities of a war in which they have been so wantonly involved.

"The expedition directed from Halifax to the northern coast of the United States, has terminated in a manner not less satisfactory. The successful course of this operation has been followed by the immediate submission of the extensive and important district, east of the Penobscot river, to his Majesty's arms.

"In adverting to these events, I am confident you will be disposed to render (B)

full justice to the valour and discipline | viding; and the war still subsisting with which have distinguished his Majesty's America, renders the continuance of great land and sea forces; and you will regret exertions indispensable. with me, the severe loss the country has sustained by the fall of the gallant commander of his Majesty's troops, in the advance upon Baltimore.

"I availed myself of the earliest opportunity afforded by the state of affairs ined in it, as well as the commercial relations Europe, to detach a considerable military force to the river Saint Lawrence; but its arrival could not possibly take place till an advanced period of the campaign. "Notwithstanding the reverse which appears to have occurred on Lake Champlain, I entertain the most confident expectation, as well from the amount as from the description of the British force now serving in Canada, that the ascendancy of his Majesty's arms throughout that part of North America will be effectually established.

all who heard it-that all good men the disasters stated to have been met with throughout the empire-would cordially on Lake Champlain, the war would be accord with the sentiment of regret which brought, on our part, to an honourable it expressed upon the subject of our gra- and glorious termination.-The noble lord, cious sovereign's long continued illness. in adverting to that part of the speech And as to America, the feeling of that which referred to the flourishing state of House must concur with the language of our commerce, notwithstanding the exthe Speech and the opinion of the coun- traordinary length and pressure of the try; for the unprovoked aggression of the war, congratulated the House upon this American government was a matter of very grateful circumstance, and expressed undisputed fact and universal reprobation. a hope that their lordships would take It was impossible, indeed, not to repro- into their most serious consideration the bate that aggression, especially when the means of providing for our future comcircumstances under which it took place mercial prosperity; for making every newere considered; when it was recollected, cessary arrangement, to advance our trade, that the American government thought to promote the general interests, and to proper to declare against us at a time secure to the empire the full enjoyment of when she supposed that, from external the advantages of peace. Having said engagements and internal situation, we so much upon the subject of the Speech, should be reduced to the necessity of sub- the noble lord thought it proper to add a mitting to her unjust pretensions. The few words with regard to the part which treachery, however, had proved unavail- he had, on this occasion, undertaken to ing; but it was to be remembered, that perform. It might, from that part, be inAmerica had evinced no indisposition, at ferred that he was attached to the Regent a very critical period, to second the views and to his ministers. To the Regent he, of the common enemy; that that govern- no doubt, felt most forcibly that attachment had showed no repugnance to create ment which, according to the constitution a diversion in favour of that enemy. of the country, was due to his Royal Therefore, while we had to congratulate Highness: to the ministers he by no ourselves upon the total discomfiture of means felt himself bound: so long as they that enemy and the consequent deliver- should continue to support those good and ance of Europe, we must bear in mind wholesome, laws which had been transthat the American government manifested mitted to us by the wisdom of our anno disinclination to prevent that discom-cestors; which had so materially contrifiture and impede that deliverance. How-buted to enable us to save Europe; which ever, notwithstanding such conduct on the part of America, it was satisfactory to witness the declared disposition of the Regent to conclude peace with that government on just and honourable terms. That the war, indeed, had no other object, in the contemplation of the British government, could not, he thought, be fairly disputed; and that that object would be fully attained, he had not the slightest doubt. The character of our army and navy he felt to be such as to justify the most sanguine anticipations; and that character was amply sustained by the gallant achievements of admiral sir Alexander Cochrane and general Ross, whose death every admirer of military skill and personal valour must sincerely deplore. From these achievements, from the amount and activity of our force in America, and particularly from the nature of the reinforcements sent to that country, from the army accustomed to exertion and glory under the duke of Wellington, there was every reason to calculate, that notwithstanding

The

had, in fact, served to save the country it-
self from falling, these ministers might
rely upon his utmost attachment.
noble earl concluded with moving an Ad-
dress to the Prince Regent, which, as usual,
was an echo of the Speech.

The Earl of Delawar rose to second the motion in a maiden speech. He did not, he said, mean to trespass at any length upon the House; nor could he, indeed, think it necessary to offer any argument to induce their lordships unanimous acquiescence in the Address which had just been read. That Address, in fact, only stated what every one must feel. The commencement contained an expression of regret for the continued indisposition of our gracious sovereign, in which every admirer of the excellencies and virtues of human nature must cordially sympathize: it must, indeed, be a matter of deep lamentation, that such should be the melancholy close of a life so piously, so use fully, and so honourably spent; and that, amidst the cheering events in which we

our arms, still knowing that we had the flower of the British army in America, he entertained no doubt whatever as to the ultimate result. A great part of that army had not, unfortunately, reached America in due time to take a part in the campaign; but when the season of action should arrive, when these troops, covered with laurels and inspired with the glory they had acquired on the continent of Europe, should approach the enemy under the direction of those gallant and skilful officers who had so often led them to victory, who could possibly indulge a doubt as to the event? To those who had raised the mili

height in Europe, he would confidently trust for the attainment of our objects in America. Then, as to the opening of the Congress at Vienna, he lamented its unavoidable delay; but, taking the past as the earnest of the future, he felt that he might most safely rely upon the satisfactory result of its deliberations; that he might confidently calculate that this result would produce a complete union of the family of Europe; that a sense of interest, which was the most powerful motive of human actions, would correspond with the feelings of humanity and en

had recently so much occasion to exult, our joy should be damped by the illness of a sovereign to whom the empire owed such manifold and important obligations; that our beneficent monarch should not be in a state to participate in the rejoicings of his people. It was also a cause of sorrow and disappointment that we had not yet, as we had hoped, to congratulate ourselves upon the restoration of peace to the civilized world. But this sorrow and disappointment was owing to the conduct of America. The liberal views, the pacific feelings, the high-minded generosity which distinguished the great powers who had saved Europe, had, it ap-tary fame of England to an unprecedented peared, no influence upon the councils of the American government. To that government, therefore, the misfortune was to be attributed, that the Temple of Janus was not yet closed. That we had still an enemy to encounter, that the afflicting calamities of war were still continued, was the result of that deep-rooted hostility to the British empire, which marked the character of the government of America. This exalted example of the several powers of Europe was lost upon America, which appeared to form a focus for the seeds of discord, from which Europe was so happily relieved.. Hence the prolonga-lightened views of justice, to guarantee tion of that war, notoriously originating in the unprovoked aggression of America; which aggression, too, took place at a period when this country was contending for the liberty of nations-for that liberty of which America had so long been the boasted champion. To embarrass our operations in that great contest, to prevent the success of our endeavours to restore the independence of Europe, and to avail herself of the opportunity to assert her own unjust pretensions, was obviously the object of America. Hence the fatal poJicy of linking herself with the fallen foe of European tranquillity: hence the perfidy of her attack upon our Canadian possessions. But there she met the fate she deserved; for her invading army was speedily compelled to return defeated and disgraced within her own frontiers, while the British standard was triumphantly hoisted in her capital; and the distinguished chief who led that triumph was gloriously prosecuting his career, when, alas! the cypress was entwined with the laurel by his gallant death, in the arms of victory. But, notwithstanding the very serious and afflicting loss, and notwithstanding the other disasters stated to have occurred to

the existence of general tranquillity; that mankind would be taught to lothe war, and to shrink with horror from all the calamities it engendered. That such would be the result of the Congress, was his anxious wish and confident expectation.-With regard to our commerce, the congratulation of the Speech upon its flourishing condition was calculated to give birth to feelings of the proudest patriotism. It was, indeed, peculiarly grateful to reflect upon the state of our trade, after all the frantic effusions of wild ambition, after all the splenetic denunciations and angry decrees against that trade, of which Europe had of late years heard so much. But still this trade had gone on and prospered; still the great resources of our wealth had been preserved; still this country had been enabled to kindle the dying embers of European liberty, and most materially to contribute to the overthrow of that gigantic power which, while it perpetually interrupted the peace of the continent, loudly menaced our total destruction. To repel this danger, to restore the peace and happiness of Europe, we had no doubt incurred great sacrifices and submitted to serious burthens; and from this reflection,

he must lament the necessity of farther sacrifices; but still that necessity being obvious, he felt fully assured that no one would be found to object to any expenditure which the establishment of substantial tranquillity, which the attainment of complete security, imperiously called for. He concurred with his noble friend in the propriety of devoting their lordships' wisdom to the consideration of our commercial system and internal resources. After a war of such prolonged duration, after the various changes which must have taken place in our relations, there must be some evils to remedy; many new arrangements must be necessary in order to benefit our condition, to ensure our advancement, to amplify and adorn the arts of peace. To these important points he had no doubt that their lordships would deliberately apply their minds, would secure the great objects of peace, and in so doing bear in mind the first duty of a government, which might be defined in the words of the poet :

to call the attention of their lordships in the course of the last session, and to which he should take the liberty of adverting again, namely, with regard to the conduct of our naval administration throughout the war with America. With the formidable naval force which this country possessed, and after the high fame which it had acquired when contending against the greatest maritime powers in Europe, it appeared very extraordinary, that in every instance in which an American vessel had contended against an English one of equal force, the former was victorious, with two exceptions only. But the extensive depredations upon our trade, even since our navy had to oppose America alone, appeared equally extraordinary. This case was of such a nature, that if no more competent person would undertake it, he should himself feel it necessary, in the course of the session, to submit to their lordships a motion for inquiry upon the subject. The noble earl animadverted upon the expression in the Speech as to "Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos." the disposition of government to conclude The Earl of Darnley expressed his sin- a peace with America on just and hocere regret, that he could not consistently nourable terms.' He could not conceive assent to the Address proposed. If, indeed, the precise meaning of this expression, or he could indulge the sanguine anticipa- the motive of putting it into the mouth of the tions, which the youthful ardour of the Prince Regent. It could not be supposed noble lord who had just sat down had so that his Royal Highness would be disposed fondly indulged, he might be induced to to make peace upon any other than just calculate upon the security and advantages and honourable terms; but it might be of peace; but when he looked around at that those terms which would be deemed the many existing evils of war, when he just and honourable for us, would be very saw a large British army in the Nether- differently esteemed by America. Whelands maintaining a hostile attitude, when ther it was meant to press for such terms he heard so much of dispute and discord as America should so esteem; whether the among several of the continental powers, terms in contemplation referred only to he could not, he confessed, flatter himself our maritime rights, or whether it was prowith the prospect which the noble lord posed to insist upon any territorial cession professed to entertain. If, also, he looked by America, he could not pretend to to the other side of the Atlantic, and saw divine; but if the latter, he trusted that that through our warfare the two great dis- the war would not be pursued in support cordant parties of America were decidedly of any such unwarrantable pretensions. As united against us, especially in conse- to the Congress, assembled at Vienna, he quence of our mode of conducting that there, too, thought the last noble speaker war, he could discover no foundation for too sanguine in his calculations: for he the hopes which the noble lord expressed very much feared that the time for as to the result of our operations in that accomplishing the greatest good was gone quarter. Many of those, indeed, who now by, after the treaty of Paris. After the heard him, were old enough to recollect, stipulations of that treaty, who could too well, the consequences of waging war calculate upon the abolition of the Slave against the population of America, to be Trade? The powers engaged in the Convery sanguine as to the event of the pre- gress, who had no colonies, might express sent contest! But there was a point of themselves very humanely upon this subgreat importance not at all noticed in theject; but he very much feared that France, Speech, or in the observations of the noble possessing colonies to which she deemed lord's opposite, to which he felt it his duty the continuance of the Slave Trade of