Imatges de pàgina
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Rudolph of

Arles or
Burgundy

Cnut's promises of good government

as well as Danes; that there should be granted to them more equal justice and greater security in their journeys to Rome, and that they should not be hindered by so many barriers on the road, nor harassed by unjust tolls.

The Emperor assented to my demands, as well as King Rudolph, in whose dominions these barriers chiefly stand; and all the princes made edicts that my people, the merchants as well as those who go to pay their devotions, shall pass to and fro in their journeys to Rome in peace, and under the security of just laws, free from all molestation from the guards of barriers or the receivers of tolls. I made further complaint to my lord the pope and expressed my high displeasure that my archbishops are sorely aggrieved by the demand of immense sums of money, when, according to custom, they resort to the apostolical see to obtain the pallium; and it is decreed that it should no longer be done. All things, therefore, which I requested for the good of my people from my lord the pope and the Emperor and King Rudolph and the other princes through whose territories our road to Rome lies, they have mostly freely granted, and even ratified their concessions by oath; to which four archbishops, twenty bishops, and an innumerable multitude of dukes and nobles who were there present are witnesses. Wherefore I return most hearty thanks to Almighty God for my having successfully accomplished all that I had desired, as I had resolved in my mind, and for having satisfied my wishes to the fullest extent.

Be it known, therefore, to all of you that I have humbly vowed to Almighty God himself henceforward to amend my life in all respects, and to rule the kingdoms and the people subject to me with justice and clemency, giving equitable judgments in all matters; and if, through the intemperance of youth or negligence, I have hitherto exceeded the bounds of justice in any of my acts, I intend by God's aid to make an entire change for the better.

I therefore adjure and command my counselors, to whom I have intrusted the affairs of my kingdom, that henceforth they neither themselves commit, nor suffer to prevail, any sort of injustice throughout my dominions, either from fear of me, or

from favor to any powerful person. I also command all sheriffs and magistrates throughout my whole kingdom, as they tender my regard and their own safety, that they use no unjust violence to any man, rich or poor, but that all, high or low, rich or poor, shall enjoy alike impartial law; from which they are never to deviate, either on account of royal favor, respect of person in the great, or for the sake of amassing money wrongfully, for I have no need to accumulate wealth by iniquitous exactions.

I wish you further to know that, returning by the way I went, I am now going to Denmark to conclude a treaty for a solid peace, all the Danes concurring, with those nations and peoples who would have taken my life and crown if it had been possible; but this they were not able to accomplish, God bringing their strength to naught. May He, of his merciful kindness, uphold me in my sovereignty and honor, and henceforth scatter and bring to naught the power and might of all my adversaries! When, therefore, I shall have made peace with the surrounding nations, and settled and reduced to order all my dominions in the East, so that we shall have nothing to fear from war or hostilities in any quarter, I propose to return to England as early in the summer as I shall be able to fit out my fleet.

I have sent this epistle before me in order that my people may be gladdened at my success, because, as you yourselves know, I have never spared, nor will I spare, myself or my exertions, for the needful service of my whole people. I now therefore command and adjure all my bishops and the governors of my kingdom, by the duty they owe to God and myself, to take care that before I come to England all dues belonging to God, according to the old laws, be fully discharged; namely, plow alms, the tithe of animals born in the current year, and the pence payable to St. Peter at Rome, whether from towns or Peter's pence vills; and in the middle of August the tithes of corn; and at the feast of St. Martin the first fruits of grain payable to every one's parish church, called in English church-scot. If these and such dues be not paid before I come, those who make default will incur fines to the king according to law, which will be strictly enforced without mercy. Farewell.

52. William of Malmesbury de

scribes the

II. THE NORMAN CONQUEST

Shortly after the Norman Conquest there grew up in England a class of writers who described the events of their own time with much fullness and interest, writing in Latin instead of Anglo-Saxon. One of these was William of Malmesbury, who gives the following account of the occurrences that led to the invasion of England by William, and of the early stages of the Conquest.

King Edward, declining into years, as he had no children himself and saw the sons of Godwin growing in power, sent messengers asking the king of Hungary to send over Edward, causes of the the son of his brother Edmund, with all his family; intendquest and its ing, as he declared, that either he or his sons should sucearly events ceed to the hereditary kingdom of England, and that his

Norman Con

The three grandchildren of Edmund Ironside

own want of issue should be supplied by that of his kindred. In consequence Edward came, but died almost immediately at St. Paul's, in London. He was neither valiant, nor a man of abilities. He left three surviving children that is to say, Edgar, who after the death of Harold was by some elected king, and who after many revolutions of fortune is now living retired in the country in extreme old age; Christina, who grew old at Romsey in the habit of a nun; and Margaret, whom Malcolm, king of the Scots, espoused. . . .

The king, in consequence of the death of his relation, losing his first hope of support, gave the succession of England to William, duke of Normandy. He was well worthy of such a gift, being a young man of superior mind, who had raised himself to the highest eminence by his unwearied exertions; moreover, he was his nearest relation by consanguinity, as he was the son of Robert, the son of Richard the Second, whom we have repeatedly mentioned as the brother of Emma, Edward's mother. Some affirm that Harold himself was sent into Normandy for this purpose; others, who knew Harold's more secret intentions, say that, being driven thither against his will by the violence of the wind, he imagined this device in order to

extricate himself. This, as it appears nearest the truth, I will relate.

Harold, being at his country seat at Bosham, went for recreation on board a fishing boat, and for the purpose of prolonging his sport put out to sea; when, a sudden tempest arising, he was driven with his companions on the coast of Ponthieu. The people of that district, as was their native custom, immediately assembled from all quarters; and Harold's company, unarmed and few in numbers, were, as it easily might be, quickly overpowered by an armed multitude and bound hand and foot. Harold, craftily meditating a remedy for this mischance, sent a person, whom he had allured by very great promises, to William to say that Harold had been sent into Normandy by the king for the purpose of expressly confirming in person the message which had been imperfectly delivered by people of less authority, but that he was detained in fetters by Guy, count of Ponthieu, and could not execute his embassy; that it was the barbarous and inveterate custom of the country that such as had escaped destruction at sea should meet with perils on shore; that it well became a man of William's dignity not to let this pass unpunished. If he should suffer those who appealed to his protection to be laden with chains, it would detract somewhat from his own greatness and if his captivity must be terminated by money, he would gladly give it to Duke William, but not to the contemptible Guy. By these means Visit of Harold was liberated at William's command, and conducted to Harold to Normandy by Guy in person. The duke entertained him with William much respect, both in banqueting and vesture, according to the custom of his country. . . .

When King Edward had yielded to fate, England, fluctuating with doubtful favor, was uncertain to which ruler she should commit herself, to Harold, William, or Edgar; for the king had recommended him also to the nobility, as nearest to the sovereign in point of birth, concealing his better judgment because of the tenderness of his disposition. Wherefore, as I have said above, the English were distracted in their choice, although all of them openly wished well to Harold. He, indeed, once exalted by the diadem, thought nothing of the covenant

Duke

William's

between himself and William, asserting that he was absolved from his oath because William's daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, had died before she was marriageable. For this man, though possessing numberless good qualities, is reported to have been careless about abstaining from perjury provided he could by any tricks elude the reasonings of men. Moreover, supposing that the threats of William would never be put into execution, because he was occupied in wars with neighboring princes, he, along with his subjects, had felt too much security. Except for the fact that he had learned that the king of Norway was approaching, he would neither have condescended to collect troops nor to array them. William in the meantime began mildly to address him by messengers, to expostulate on the broken covenant, to mingle threats with entreaties, to warn him that ere a year expired he would claim his due by the sword, and that he would come to that place where Harold supposed he himself had the firmer footing. Harold again rejoined what I have related concerning the nuptials of his daughter, and added that he had been precipitate on the subject of the kingdom in having confirmed to him by oath another's right without the universal consent and edict of the general meeting and of the people; again, that a rash oath ought to be broken. . . .

At that time the prudence of William, seconded by the providence of God, already looked to England with hope, and that no rashness might stain the just cause he sent to the pope, -formerly Anselm, bishop of Lucca, who had assumed the name of Alexander, - alleging the justice of the war which he had undertaken with all the eloquence that he could. Harold omitted to do this, either because he was confident standard by nature, or else distrusted his cause, or because he feared that his messengers would be obstructed by William and his partisans, who beset every port. The pope, duly examining the pretensions of both parties, delivered a standard to William as an auspicious presage of the kingdom; on receiving which, the latter summoned an assembly of his nobles at Lillebourne for the purpose of ascertaining their sentiments on this undertaking. And when he had confirmed by splendid

blessed by

the pope

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