1. foreigners equally with the natives, from the highest to the lowest class, have full and free permission to enter and return, for the sake of gratifying curiosity or of acquiring knowledge, as often as inclination prompts. This is noble conduct on the part of the King and his Government, and is an example that deserves imitation else where. In the evening we went to the Italian Opera. Garcia and Madame Pasta ang well, and the whole of the performance was respectable. The orchestra was, in my opinion, much inferior to our's. And if dancing should be graduated by decency, that might be extended to the interludes, supported by young females frisking, posturing, and wheeling about, à merveille. But taste, fashion, and custom, subdue prejudice, as it is called; and where no impropriety is intended, there is no cause, they say, for animadversion. This is mighty well, and may suit the latitude of Paris better than that of London, where, however, there is much display, but in a style somewhat more chaste and refined. The house is large and handsome, but in beauty, splendour, and elegance, not to be named with the King's Theatre in London. It was well filled, but the people of rank and fashion were absent at their chaleaur; and although to compare, is, in some instances, to betray a want of liberality, still to remark is the privilege of an observer, and from what I saw of superior life, the same disparity, as to dress and refinement, forcibly struck my attention. It appear ed to me that nothing of the vieille cour remained, or that at the first theatre dress is not required. One Justre illumined with gas is suspended from the centre of the house, and a strong light is thrown from the stage upon the scenes and actors. We might think that there is a want of brilliancy, the French do not; and they contend that the light is not only sufficient, but that the effect is judicious. His Majesty seldom goes to the Opera, and I did not hear that Monsieur went at all. The old Itahan Opera House, at which the Duke de Berri was assassinated, is shut up, and will probably be converted to another purpose. In conversation to-day with a loyal GENT. MAG. January, 1822. 33 and well-informed gentleman, I heard with delight of the great benevolence and charity of the Royal Family. Their Royal Highnesses are splendid in their liberality towards the relief of distress in all its shapes; and if sympathy and kindness of heart irradiate the throne, the same warmth of feeling influences the Princes. I cannot mention her Royal Highness the Duchess D'Angouleme without recollection of the past. Her sufferings, the acuteness of her anguish, the affliction that distracted, and had well nigh overwhelmed her spirit, rushed upon my mind, when I beheld this most interesting Princess at the Chapel Royal, lifting up her soul in humble devotion to the God of mercy; whose providential care, in the day of her necessity, when the waves of adversity compassed her about; and in the time of peril and universal dismay, when she had no earthly stay; threw around her the shield of his Almighty protection; and, after years of wandering and vicis situde, at length brought her home safe to the seat of her illustrious progenitors; where, like an angel of compassion, she dispenses around her the bounties of Heaven, and presents her memorial on the altar of Charity. "Me quoque per multos similis fortuna labores Jactatam, hâc demum voluit consistere terrâ ; Non ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco.' VIRGIL. "For I myself, like you, have been dis 34 Motives of the Barons who procured Magna Charta. warmly expressed in the beginning of his epistle. But as I wish it to be understood, that although I differ with him in the mode of his expressing himself, I am an Englishman also, and have served my country; and although too old for a long march, as forty years, alluded to above, fully establishes, I am yet able to assist in manning an 18-pounder in any fortification in the kingdom, for what he and myself hold dear, the love of our country. Rapin, who, I think, is by far the best writer of English history, and who quotes various older works, all of which, in my boyish days, I read with avidity, states clearly the occasion of the Barons' opposition, and the result of it, and particularizes the Magna Charta for the information of his readers. But with all the information arising from it, after weighing well the state of society at the time, I really cannot give the Barons credit for acting, but from selfish motives. At that period, what was the situation of the great mass of the people, and how far were they relieved by the procedure? Did they enjoy greater privileges, or did not their state of vassalage remain the same? The Barons obtained for themselves; but did they obtain for their country? Let us pause before we afford them unbounded praise. In looking back to the same author, we find a King who agrees with me in the opinion I now entertain, that they did more for their own advantage, because he found them in possession of so much power as to endanger the State: and it must be in the recollection of your Correspondent and of all your readers, that the country was subject to painful results by the party quarrels, and immense influence of the Barons, originating no doubt with the coming in of William-a word I hate to write-the Conqueror. Henry VII. of cautious and judicious memory, laid his plans wisely, and executed them well; he lessened their influence and their power by the best possible means that could enter into the mind of man,-by commerce, by promoting it, through the encouragement given to "fraternities ;" and this great City is at this moment a standing memorial of his wisdom, and an epitome of the whole kingdom, by those civil societies he formed and encouraged; and I hesitate not a mo [Jan. ment to add, that we all would prefer wearing the livery of a free city rather than the livery or armorial bearing of a lord. The feudal system is done away. The country possesses all that can constitute its happiness, in a political sense, and to Henry VII. we owe our thanks and grateful recollections. In travelling through the kingdom, when I see in a state of decay the baronial castles,-whilst I view with the feelings of an Antiquary their dilapidated state, yet I feel proud that no internal divisions remain, and no party feuds are now desolating the country, through their powerful influence ;— and whilst looking at the ruined residence of a powerful Baron who would dispute the conduct of his Sovereign, and tyrannize over his dependants, I find, at the present day, a due obedience to the laws, and a general protection experienced under them, whilst local power has given way to that which an enlightened people owe only to the Government of their country. A MERCHANT TAYLOR. Mr. URBAN, Jan. 16. I HAVE been for some time trying to elucidate a query of rather a contradictory nature, given in your vol. XCI. i. p. 482, relative to who was Duchess of York, anno 1555. If any one can tell me what Duchess of York was named Margaret, it will indeed surprise me; for after a diligent search through authors of celebrity, I cannot even find a Duchess of that name, much more one living at the time. The following is what I can alone gather, and that too must be rather viewed in a light of supposi tion. Henry Tudor, second son of King Henry VII. was, amongst other junior titles, by his father, in the tenth year of his reign, created by patent Duke of York; his elder brother Arthur, Prince of Wales and Earl of Cornwali, being then living. His tyrannical disposition is too well known, as the annals of his reign, by the style of Henry VIII. have to remembrance perpetuated them. His fourth wife, whom he married at Greenwich, anno 1540, was Anne, sister to William, Duke of Cleve. From her, in about six months after, he was divorced; Anstis' Introduction to the Knights of the Garter. and 1822.] Duchess of York ?-Mason's " English Garden." and she, by Act of Parliament, was ordered to be called no longer Queen, but only the Lady Anne of Cleve. She remained in England long after King Henry's death, and was marshalled with the Princess Elizabeth (afterwards Queen) at the Coronation of Queen Mary *. She died at Chelsea in 1557 ↑. Now is it not likely that a female who has been the consort of a King, should think herself degraded by the simple title (in comparison with the one which so lately her illustrious marriage dignified her with) of the Lady Anne of Cleve? Might she not then use one of the King's minor titles, and sign and call herself Duchess of York, thinking it more befitting her? Have we not had examples of illustrious ladies contending for higher titles with those who would be their friends till friendship was resigned? Might not the Lady Anne of Cleves, then, at least struggle with her own vanity, and think herself consoled with a higher though empty sound? She might with more probability change her title than her name. Can the Chester Register be wrong; ought it to be so? N.Y.W.G. Mr. URBAN, Jan. 14. To the remarks on Delille's and Darwin's Poems, communicated in a former letter (vol. XC. ii. p. 131), allow me to add some observations on Mason's "English Garden." In this work (says Warton) "didactic poetry is brought to perfection by the happy combination of judicious precepts with the most elegant ornaments of language and imagery." Undoubtedly it is a most elegant and classical performance; yet there remains much to be desired on a subject of such wide scope and so universally interesting. One could have wished that the Poet had taken a more comprehensive view of this subject, under the general title of "The Garden," instead of "The English Garden." One could Catalogue of Nob. per R. Brooke. + Banks's Ext. Peer. 8vo edit. 1812. That "Les Jardins" had been translated into English by Mrs. Montolieu, was unknown to me until your Correspondent J. B. obligingly mentioned it. Had this been a good translation, is it not reasonable te suppose it would long ago have been reprinted, stripped of its showy vignette-decorations, in a cheap 12mo form?" 35 also have wished that the Poem had been written in rhyme, in the easy, harmonious rhyme of Goldsmith, and not in blank verse,-not in the majestic numbers of Milton, too solemn, too stately, too sonorous for the garden Muse. The arbusta humilesque myrice should be sung in smoother, less laboured, less ornamented diction, Again; one could have wished that the Poet had gone more into detail respecting the productions of Fiora (to say nothing of Pomona), after the manner of Mr. Gisborne, in his muchadmired poem, entitled "Walks in a Forest." But Mr. Mason was no botanist. He viewed Nature collectively. He could in a most masterly manner describe and paint (for he was a painter as well as a poet) a landscape,-the combined scenery of Nature, but seldom has he depicted single objects,seldom has he exhibited distinct por traits,-finished and characteristic portraits, of flowers or fruits,-of a shrub or a tree, so as to render such objects interesting and attractive; yet in a poem on gardening, this should be done, and not sparingly. Lastly, it must be remarked, although the didactic part be relieved by two beautiful episodes (viz. that in Book I. of the Gardener-king, the Sidonian king Abdalonimus, and that in Book IV. of Alcander and Nerina),—that the Poem on the whole is deficient in sprightliness and variety. The remark that Mr. Mason has seldom depicted single objects in his "English Garden," may require explanation. Single natural objects are intended,—as a single scene, that of the Labourer's Cottage (Book II.) possesses exquisite beauty. Never were description and sentiment more happily combined. Mr. URBAN, HORTICULTOR. Jan. 3. THE enclosed has been transmitted to me. I think that I have seen something of the kind in Gough's British Topography. If, however, you think that it has not been before printed, it is much at your service. AN ANTIQUARIAN PIC-NIC. "For Sir Richard Graham, Bart. at Norton. "SIR RICHARD, "Mr. Robinson tells me you desire the relation of Henry Jenkyns, which is as followeth : "When 36 Account of Henry Jenkyns. "When I came first to live at Bolton, it was there told me, there lived in that parish a man near one hundred and fifty years old, yet he had sworn (as witness in a cause at York) to one hundred and twenty years, which the Judge reproving him for, he said, he was butler at that time to the Lord Conyers; and they told me, that it was reported that his name was found in some old register of the Lord Conyers's menial servants, but truly it was never in my thoughts to enquire of my Lord Darcy whether this last particular was true or not; for I believed little of the story for a great many years, till one day being in my sister's kitchen, Henry Jenkyns coming in to beg an alms, I had a mind to examine him. I told him he was an old man who must suddenly expect to give an account to God of all he did or said, and I desired him to tell me very truly how old he was; and he paused a little, and then said, that to the best of his remembrance, he was about one hundred and sixty-two or three; and I asked him, what Kings he remembered? he said, Henry the VIIIth. I asked him what public thing he could longest remember? he said, the battle of Flodden-field. I asked him if the King was there? he said, no; he was in France; and the Earl of Surrey was General. I asked, How old might you be then? he said, I believe I might be between ten and twelve; for, says he, I was sent to North-Allerton with an horse-load of arrows, but they sent a bigger boy from thence to the army with them. I thought, by these marks, I might find something in history; and I looked in an old Chronicle that was in the house, and I did find that Flodden-field was one hundred and fifty-two years before, so that if he was then ten or eleven years old, he must be one hundred and sixty-two years, or three, as he said, when I examined him. I found by that book that bows and arrows were then used, and that the Earl he named was General at that time, and that King Henry the VIIIth was then at Tournay in France; so that I do not know what to answer to the consistency of these things, for Henry Jenkyns was a poor man, and could neither write nor read; there were also four or five people in the same parish that were reputed to be all of them one hundred years old, or within two or [Jan. three years of it; and they all said he was an elderly man, ever since they knew him; for he was born in another parish, and before any Registers were in churches, as it is said. He told me then, too, he was butler to the Lord Conyers, and remembered the Abbot of Fountains Abbey, who used to drink with his lord a glass heartily; and the dissolution of the monasteries, he said, he very well remembered. "This Henry Jenkyns departed this life the 8th day of December, 1670, at Ellerton upon Swale. "The Battle of Flodden-field was fought upon the 9th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1513. MR. URBAN, Jan. 6. last obtruded the subject of the NOME years having elapsed since I "Bristol Poems" on your pages, perhaps I may again advance my opinion, in consequence of one of our first-rate poets, the author of "The Pleasures of Hope," having admitted that beautiful elegiac poem the Bristowe Tragedie," or "the Dethe of Syr Charles Baudin," into his "Specimens of the British Poets," in the most unqualified manner, as the work of Thomas Chatterton. 46 Mr. Campbell undoubtedly had a right to admit it as an elegant poem, generally believed to have been the composition of that extraordinary and much calumniated youth; but after the published opinions of such men as Bryant, Milles, Mathias, and Whiter, and many others, not to mention the "Introduction to an Examination of the internal Evidence," and the strong testimonies recorded in several numbers of your widely-circulating Magazine, in a series of criticisms on the Rev. Dr. Jamieson's valuable Dictionary of the Scottish Language, Mr. Campbell might have condescended to state, that "there yet exist (as Mr. Boswell expresses it) a few straggling believers in Rowley." Mr. Campbell might have recollected, that the late Rev. Dr. Milles produced powerful arguments in sup port 1822.] Remarks on Rowley's Poems and on Chatterton. port of the claim to Antiquity of that. particular piece," the Bristowe Tragedie." For which see his excellent edition, p. 321. I call it excellent, because, notwithstanding some trifling errors, it will be found by every candid enquirer to be justly entitled to that appellation. It is an edition, Mr. Urban, in which it will be impossible to find one single instance where he has treated those who maintained a contrary opinion from his own in a manner unbecoming the character of a gentleman, a scholar, or a dignified divine. But peace to his memory; he now is, and long has been, out of the reach of all that torrent of unmerited, and abusive, idle ridicule, ungenerously and illiberally cast upon him. After Mr. Campbell's unqualified admission of the "Bristowe Tragedie" (which the late Mr. E. of Bristol assured the writer of this had been read by an old man forty years before Chatterton was born), every believer in its antiquity is entitled to shew from his own premises, that however learn: ed or ingenious an editor of an old English writer may be, it is almost impossible for him to avoid such occasional mistakes and misinterpretations as those committed by Chatterton.The second volume of Mr. Campbell's "Specimens" commences with extracts from several ancient Works, whose obsolete phrases are explained at the foot of the page; and these will shew that Mr. Campbell has coinmitted similar mistakes to those above alluded to; similar to many long since recorded in your pages, and in my "Introduction to an Examination of the internal Evidence," and to a multitude of others that may be referred to in the "MS. Examination" at large, now deposited in the British Museum, In his quotation from Chaucer, vol. II. p. 33, Chevisance is rendered by Mr. Campbell, after Mr. Tyrwhitt, "an agreement for borrowing money,' but it here means for "the payment of money." "Ther wiste no wight that he was in dette, C. T. Prol. The same word occurs in C. T. 13277: "Save that he must in alle manere wise Maken a Chevisance." i. e. make a payment. 37 If this meaning should be here disputed, all doubt will vanish where the same word occurs in C. T. 13321. The Merchant had lent his friend one hundred franks, to whom he applies for payment, and his friend tells him that, during his absence, he had paid. the money to his wife. The husband chides the wife because she had not informed him. gesse By G-, as that I Whan heie have chevyced theyre londe from re chevyced — i. e. "Ah be it not pardie declar'd in France, Chevisance is here the redemption or preservation of Armida's pretended kingdom. Before I proceed, I am under the Mr. Southey's to the word Cherisaunecessity of obviating an objection of nei, in the lines quoted from his and Mr. Tyrwhitt's editions of the Poems attributed to Rowley; Dr. Milles, out of deference to a conjecture of Mr. risaunce. We are told by Mr. Southey, Tyrwhitt, having corrected it to Chethat," by an error of the press, Cherisaunei is printed in Kersey instead of Cherisaunce; Chatterton has copied the blunder in three places."-If Kersey or his printer had really committed such a blunder, what would it have amounted to more than that the young editor, looking in the dictionary for Cherisaunce, and finding no such word but Cherisaunei, exactly in the sense |