The potato blight was not peculiar to Ireland; but it was a greater calamity to that country than to England and Scotland, because potatoes were relatively a far more important crop and a larger element in the food of the people. The following letter from a London potato dealer and grower to the home secretary describes the sudden appearance of the disease in the southeast of England.

Graham

I received a letter on the 1st inst. from my agent at Ash, 432. R. Parknear Sandwich, stating the crops were blighted in that neigh- er to Sir J. borhood the same as in October last year (it was then only (August 11, partial in East Kent). On Tuesday last I went down by the 1845) Dover eight o'clock train; on my arrival there I immediately drove all round the neighborhood, and found the whole of the crops, early and late, not excepting the cottagers' gardens, were being entirely destroyed. On my return I could trace it by the side of the whole line at Tonbridge; have since looked over the potato tops that come as covering on that article to the different markets, and find they are all affected. On Thursday last I paid a visit to my farm at Maidstone, and found it had made fearful destruction there, and returned by way of Gravesend all were alike affected. The same evening I went to East and West Ham in Essex; amongst the large growths found it was just appearing. Friday I went to Leytonstone and neighborhood — all are alike.

I am given to understand it is so in Holland and France, and should it be general in this country, it will be a shocking calamity for the poor. Being apprehensive it might be general, I thought it my duty to inform you, thinking it probable you might think it of importance to make further inquiry.

As soon as the ministers learned of the prevalence of the disease in Ireland they saw that it would bring up the question of the Corn Laws. This appears from the following letter from the home secretary to the prime minister.

Sir Robert

Peel

433. Sir J. The enclosed letter from the lord lieutenant of Ireland conGraham to veys to us information of the most serious kind, which requires our immediate attention. I am willing still to hope that the present fears are exaggerated; for the reports have varied almost from day to day, and it was admitted about a fortnight ago that greater apprehensions were entertained with respect to the potato crop in Ireland than the facts ascertained fully justified.

On the other hand, the time has now arrived when the potatoes are taken out of the ground, and when speculation on the subject is reduced to certainty. A great national risk is always incurred when a population so dense as that of Ireland subsists on the potato; for it is the cheapest and the lowest food, and if it fail no substitute can be found for starving multitudes.

It will be necessary after this warning that we should apply our immediate thoughts and attention to measures which may mitigate this national calamity; for human skill can supply no remedy.

In Belgium and in Holland, if I mistake not, a similar evil has been met by opening the ports to all articles of first necessity for human food. It is desirable that we should know, without loss of time, what has been done by our continental neighbors in similar circumstances. Indian corn might be obtained from the United States readily, and on cheap terms, if the people would eat it, but unfortunately it is an acquired taste; and if we opened the ports to maize duty free, most popular and irresistible arguments present themselves why flour and oatmeal, the staple of the food of man, should not be restricted in its supply by artificial means, while heaven has withheld from an entire people its accustomed sustenance. Could we with propriety remit duties in November by order in council, when parliament might so easily be called together? Can these duties, once remitted by act of parliament, be ever again reimposed? Ought they to be maintained with their present stringency, if the people of Ireland be reduced to the last extremity for want of food? . . . [The suspension of the duties on grain led to the adoption of free trade.]

It is very unusual for parliament or any other branch of the English government to lay down general principles. An exception, however, was made in 1852, when the following statement of the benefits of freedom of trade was introduced by Lord Palmerston, and adopted by a large vote. It was long acquiesced in, and is still accepted by a majority of the people, but not without deep and increasing opposition.

That it is the opinion of this House that the improved con- 434. A resolution in favor dition of the country, and especially of the industrious classes, of free trade is mainly the result of recent legislation, which has established (November the principle of unrestricted competition and abolished taxes 23, 1852) imposed for purposes of protection, and has thereby diminished the cost and increased the abundance of the principal articles of food to the people.

That it is the opinion of this House that that policy, firmly maintained and prudently extended, will best enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens, and will thereby most surely promote the welfare and contentment of the people.

435. Letters

of Major W.

I. R. Hodder

Umbola, May

15, 1857

CHAPTER XX

THE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY, 1852-1897

I. THE MIDDLE YEARS OF THE CENTURY

The great rebellion in India, which followed so closely on the Crimean War, consisted of a confused series of risings, massacres, and conflicts. The following letters were written home by Major Hodder, an English officer engaged in the difficult task of recapturing Delhi, the most important point in the whole campaign of reconquest. He was killed in the final and successful assault, at the moment of victory. His letters show very well the plain, matter-of-fact, but faithful, brave, and determined attitude of the average English officer.

We got here after two nights of very harassing marching. We started badly, the men having been drinking before they came to parade, and they were hurried too much in going downhill, consequently there was much straggling; but, thanks to ponies and carts and elephants, sent out to meet us, we got in to-day in tolerable completeness. Affairs are very serious, and unless very prompt and serious measures are taken, the whole army, and perhaps a large portion of India, will be lost to us. Delhi is in the hands of the mutineers, — no European that we can hear of being left alive there; men, women, and children, all who were caught, have been butchered! Brigadier Graves, Abbott, and some others have escaped. Willoughby, the ordnance commissary in charge of the magazine and arsenal, is said to have fired it himself to prevent the mutineers having possession of the contents to

arm themselves with, of course sacrificing his own life to such a duty. A lac and a half of muskets would otherwise have been in the hands of the insurgents.

The commander in chief came in this morning. Here alarm is the prevalent feeling, and conciliation, of men with arms in their hands and in a state of absolute rebellion, the order of the day. This system, if pursued, is far more dangerous than anything the Sepoys can do to us. There is an outbreak at Ferozepoor, but the Europeans have the fort in their possession; if not, we should be without arms, for the regiments here have no ammunition, and Philour, our nearest source of supply, was nearly falling into the hands of the Sepoys. Even now some say it is at their mercy. Fortunately the Maharaja of Puttiala is stanch, and so are other Sikh chiefs hereabouts. We shall go on to Delhi in a few days. That city is in the hands of the insurgents, and the king proclaimed emperor of Hindostan ! I do trust that the authorities will act with vigor, else there is no knowing where the affair will end. O for Sir Charles Napier now!

We are all terribly anxious about the hill stations, reports May 17 having reached us that the Goorkhas have mutinied and attacked Simla. One hundred men with ammunition have gone off this morning to Kussowlee. Dugshai is easily defended. Simla is most to be feared. . . . All this has put out of my head for the time the good news for us. Yesterday I was sent for by the commander in chief, and appointed assistant quartermaster general on his personal staff, to be under the immediate orders of his excellency, and with command to raise 100 horses and 50 foot, for service in the intelligence department, and as personal escort. All this was done, moreover, in a most complimentary way, and it is quite in my line. I am prepared to set to work vigorously; but I confess my anxiety on account of the reports we hear respecting the hill stations makes me cruelly anxious. . . .

This morning the commander in chief ordered me to raise May 19 and command an entire new regiment of irregular horse. I do not know who or what has been at work for me, but he