invasion of William of having had a considerable hand in advising the whole progress 331. The of it, I thought it would have been an unbecoming fear in me to have taken care of my own person, when the prince was ven- Orange turing his, and the whole was now to be put to hazard. . . . ... coming to As Sidney brought over letters from the persons formerly English plan mentioned, both inviting the prince to come over to save and for William's rescue the nation from ruin, and assuring him that they wrote England that which was the universal sense of all the wise and good men in the nation; so they also sent over with him a scheme of advices. They advised his having a great fleet but a small army they thought it should not exceed six or seven thousand men. They apprehended that an ill use might be made of it, if he brought over too great an army of foreigners, to infuse in people a jealousy that he designed a conquest: they advised his landing in the north, either in Burlington Bay or a little below Hull: Yorkshire abounded in horse; and the gentry were generally well affected, even to zeal, for the design: the country was plentiful, and the roads were good till within fifty miles of London. . . . When these things were laid before the prince, he said he could by no means resolve to come over with so small a force; he could not believe what they suggested concerning the king's army's being disposed to come over to him; nor did he reckon, so much as they did on the people of the country's coming in to him. He said he could trust to neither of these he could not undertake so great a design, the miscarriage of which would be the ruin both of England and Holland, without such a force as he had reason to believe would be superior to the king's own, though his whole army should stick to him. . . of the Chan nel ports When these advices were proposed to Herbert and the other The plan to seamen, they opposed the landing in the north vehemently. land in one They said, no seamen had been consulted in that. The north coast was not fit for a fleet to ride in, in an east wind, which it was to be expected in winter might blow so fresh that it would not be possible to preserve the fleet; and if the fleet were left there, the Channel was open for such forces as might be sent from France. The Channel was the safer sea Devonshire for the fleet to ride in, as well as to cut off the assistance from In the beginning of October the troops marched from Nime- On the first of November we sailed out with the evening tide, but made little way that night, that so our fleet might come out and move in order. We tried next day till noon, if it was possible to sail northward, but the wind was so strong and full in the east that we could not move that way. About noon the signal was given to steer westward. This wind not only diverted us from that unhappy course, but it kept the English fleet in the river, so that it was not possible for them to come out, though they were come down as far as to the Gunfleet. By this means we had the sea open to us, with a fair wind and a safe navigation. On the third we passed between Dover and Calais, and before night came in sight of the Isle of Wight. . . . Landing at And a soft and happy gale of wind carried in the whole fleet Torbay in in four hours' time into Torbay. Immediately as many landed as conveniently could. As soon as the prince and Marshal Schomberg got to shore they were furnished with such horses as the village of Broxholme could afford; and rode up to view the grounds, which they found as convenient as could be imagined for the foot in that season. It was not a cold night, otherwise the soldiers, who had been kept warm aboard, might have suffered much by it. As soon as I landed I made what haste I could to the place where the prince was, who took me heartily by the hand and asked me if I would not now believe predestination. I told him I would never forget that providence of God, which had appeared so signally on this occasion. He was cheerfuller than ordinary, yet he returned soon to his usual gravity. A careful study of the following extracts from the Bill of Rights of 1689 will do much to explain the Revolution of 1688. from the Bill Whereas the said late King James II having abdicated the 332. Extracts government, and the throne being thereby vacant, his High- of Rights ness the prince of Orange (whom it hath pleased Almighty God to make the glorious instrument of delivering this kingdom from popery and arbitrary power) did (by the advice of the lords spiritual and temporal, and diverse principal persons of the Commons) cause letters to be written to the lords spiritual and temporal, being Protestants, and other letters to the several counties, cities, universities, boroughs, and Cinque Ports, for the choosing of such persons to represent them, as were of right to be sent to parliament, to meet and sit at Westminster upon the two-and-twentieth day of January, in this year 1689, in order to such an establishment as that their religion, laws, and liberties might not again be in danger of being subverted; upon which letters elections have been accordingly made. And thereupon the said lords spiritual and temporal and Commons, pursuant to their respective letters and elections, being now assembled in a full and free representation of this nation, taking into their most serious consideration the best means for attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place (as their ancestors in like case have usually done), for the vindicating and asserting their ancient rights and liberties, declare: 1. That the pretended power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by regal authority, without consent of parliament, is illegal. 2. That the pretended power of dispensing with laws, or the execution of laws, by regal authority, as it hath been assumed and exercised of late, is illegal. 3. That the commission for erecting the late court of commissioners for ecclesiastical causes, and all other commissions and courts of like nature, are illegal and pernicious. 4. That levying money for or to the use of the crown by pretense of prerogative, without grant of parliament, for longer time or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal. 5. That it is the right of the subjects to petition the king, and all commitments and prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal. 6. That the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. 7. That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defense suitable to their conditions, and as allowed by law. 8. That election of members of parliament ought to be free. 9. That the freedom of speech, and debates or proceedings in parliament, ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of parliament. 10. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 11. That jurors ought to be duly impaneled and returned, and jurors which pass upon men in trials for high treason ought to be freeholders. 12. That all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures of particular persons before conviction are illegal and void. 13. And that for redress of all grievances, and for the amending, strengthening, and preserving of the laws, parliament ought to be held frequently. And they do claim, demand, and insist upon all and singular the premises, as their undoubted rights and liberties; and that no declarations, judgments, doings, or proceedings, to the prejudice of the people in any of the said premises, ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into consequence or example. To which demand of their rights they are particularly encouraged by the declaration of his Highness the prince of Orange, as being the only means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein. Having therefore an entire confidence that his said Highness the prince of Orange will perfect the deliverance so far advanced by him, and will still preserve them from the violation of their rights, which they have here asserted, and from all other attempts upon their religion, rights, and liberties: Mary de clared to be king and The said lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, as- William and sembled at Westminster, do resolve that William and Mary, prince and princess of Orange, be, and be declared king and queen of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions queen thereunto belonging, to hold the crown and royal dignity of the said kingdoms and dominions to them the said prince and princess during their lives, and the life of the survivor of them; and that the sole and full exercise of the regal power be only in, and executed by, the said prince of Orange, in the names of the said prince and princess, during their joint lives; and after their deceases, the said crown and royal dignity of the said kingdoms and dominions to be to the heirs of the body of the said princess; and for default of such issue to the princess Anne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body; and for default of such issue to the heirs of the body of the said prince of Orange. And the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, do pray the said prince and princess to accept the same accordingly. . . Upon which their said Majesties did accept the crown and royal dignity of the kingdoms of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, according to the resolution and desire of the said lords and commons contained in the said declaration. Religious freedom, of a partial nature, it is true, and yet sufficient to give great comfort to all Protestants who were not adherents of the established church, was now, as one of the results of the Revolution, granted by act of parliament. Thus the same liberty was obtained by legal methods as Charles II and James II had tried to introduce by the use of their prerogative. Parliament did not intend to grant the same freedom to Roman |