3. Those that can work and will not. To the first of these divisions it should be our duty to offer every aid; and in this the Poor Law Board has taken an excellent step in the right direction, by ordering that artizans, who are unable to obtain employment in the district in which they reside, and who are sure of receiving work in another part of the country, may be assisted to proceed thither. This is undoubtedly one of the best ideas that has hitherto been carried practically into effect, because many a mechanic would gladly proceed to another part of England to seek employment but for the fact that, living as he does from hand to mouth, he cannot pay his fare; and many would rather starve than put up with the miseries of tramping, where they have to harbour on the road with the vilest classes. It would be difficult to manage the relief of the aged and infirm otherwise than as it is at present, though possibly a weekly stipend would save a vast amount in salaries necessitated by the maintenance of our workhouses. The difficulty attendant upon allowing old and infirm paupers a weekly sum in order that they might maintain themselves, arises mainly from the risk that the money given to them may be dissipated by worthless members of their families, whilst the recipients would be as badly off as ever. We do not generally look to Russia for examples in social economy, but in St. Petersburgh, I am informed, that aged and infirm paupers are not maintained in workhouses, but are quartered upon persons who notify to the local authorities that they have lodgings to let, and the landlords are paid by the corporation. Further, it is arranged that so many pounds of bread are given by the corporation bakers; so much meat by the butchers; and a suit of clothing periodically, by firms who have contracted for the supply, the corporation paying for the cost of these. A mere trifle in money is given to each, so that it is only possible for them to keep body and soul together. This system avoids the workhouse, entailing as it does huge buildings, the cost of which is unproductive capital, burdened still more by the salaries of the officials. Of all paupers, the most difficult to manage are those that can work and will not. Unfortunately we have above a quarter of a million of these, and for the existence of them we have ourselves not a little to blame. Much as I should regret to see education offensively compulsory-great as I am aware are the difficulties of educating the masses-still compulsory education would be better than none at all. When I tell you that of a thousand paupers in one locality only four could read and write well, 297 could read and write imperfectly, and the rest not at all, we have some clue to the cause of pauperism. You are no doubt aware there are two societies agitating for the elementary education of the entire masses of the kingdom-the one, the Manchester Union, advocating denominational education, to be supported by a national rate—the other, the Birmingham League, urging that education be totally unsectarian, and supported by local rates. Individually I shall not express my preference for either scheme, but we must in self defence move in this most important matter ;raise the level of the man, and he will be more self-reliant, and feel that shame of taking relief which at present he does not feel. It is more important now than ever, for the masses are now nearly the masters of England, and we dare not delay; indeed it is thought that in the very next session of Parliament a bill will be brought forward to further the elementary teaching of the lower classes of the population.* Our very existence is at stake if pauperism increases. "Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est." * Since the reading of this paper this has been done. We must indeed act in this matter, before it becomes too difficult to grapple with.* You will no doubt have observed the ridiculously small sum spent for emigrating purposes. When we consider that we have colonies, whose only want is population, we might transform beings who are a burden to the country into persons who are helping us onward to prosperity. There is undoubtedly a difficulty in making the Government a promoter of emigration, as it would encourage many to apply to Government for assistance to emigrate instead of doing it from their own resources; but some scheme might be devised for making emigrants refund the amount they have cost the Government by gradual repayments. The most important observation I have to make upon the poor-law system is on the mode of levying the amounts: which is upon property and not upon income, and that it is a local and not a general rate. Whilst some parishes pay 4d. in the pound, and some not at all, others have to pay 2s. and 3s. in the pound; and furthermore, the poorer the parish, the more the householders have to pay, whilst the richer parishes, and those best able to afford it, pay but little. Again, a person that requires large premises to carry on his business, is rated unfairly compared with many trades and professions that require but little space to conduct their business, and which may be possibly more lucrative than the others that require large and expensive rentals. Take, for example, a stockbroker, a solicitor, a public company, each of these requires comparatively less. premises than a draper, ironmonger, or manufacturer. The latter are, however, rated at far higher for the poor than the former, and many are compelled to have large and showy premises in leading thoroughfares in order to achieve that which is done in a back office in our larger cities. Were * The Education Bill has since been brought forward by Mr. Forster in the Session 1870. people therefore made to support the poor proportionately to their incomes the discrepancies would not be so glaring asthey are now. Further, a person that derives his income from coupons of stocks and shares, escapes entirely from his obligation to support the poor if he lives in a moderatelyrented house. This is an ascertained fact, that in an average year, say 1865, when the rate of income tax was 4d. in the pound, it realized £7,985,774; whilst the expenditure for the poor was, for the same year, £6,264,961. A Government rate upon the whole of the kingdom would be a far more equitable mode of drawing a revenue than the present system, and about 4d. in the pound for poor rate would amply meet the expenditure. Many distinguished political economists have avowed this; but we are aware that our machine of Government moves slowly, though, perhaps, it is better that important changes should be carefully weighed before taking action. Pauperism is an evil, to remedy which should be the aim and study of practical statesmen. It enervates the country and is a drag upon its resources; and however much we may endeavour to conceal it from others and from ourselves, it is the sorest point in our social economy. Were it not for this, the future of England would be unclouded. How aptly it was said “Oh England! model to thy inward greatness, 66 Like little body with a mighty heart, "What might'st thou do that honour would thee do, |