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PETER'S ADIEU TO THE CITY.

Beatus ille, qui procul negotiis,
Ut prisca gens mortalium,
Paterna rura bobus exercet suis,
Solutus omni fænore.-HORACE.

To the City I've bid an adieu!
To its pleasures and parties farewell!
Nor can they entrap me anew;

Or call me once more from my cell.

I believ'd midst the rich and the great,
Mild contentment and happiness dwelt;
That they blunted the arrows of fate,

And seldom keen misery felt.

That Time flew with pinions of down,
While Charity brighten'd his way;
And Peace, on her olive branch crown,
Recorded the deeds of each day.
That Justice, with mercy attir'd,

Heard the cause of the poor and oppress'd; Check'd the tongue with malevolence fir'd, And the wrongs of the feeble redress'd.

The delusion is over and past,

And the tinsel, which inisery clad,
Is remov'd by my reason at last,

And I mourn that the world is so bad.
That anguish and want should appear,
With gaiety's mantle adorn'd;
That I language of softness should hear,

From a wretch, whom humanity scorn'd.
That damsels with modest array,

And manners apparently good, Should trip through the city all day,But at night, with fell infamy brood.

The rich meet the rich in the street,

And tho' vices hang thick round their heart,
Shake hands and most courteously greet-
But with plots and contrivances part.

No hand wipes a tear from the eye
Of the widow, or fatherless child;

But all their assistance deny

And laugh to behold them beguil❜d. The good man, by poverty led,

Thro' the city must wander alone; With the offals of grandeur be fed,

And to wretchedness open his moan.
The worldlings have virtue forsook;

To self are their bounties confin'd;
While those, who take pride in a crook,
Are patrons and friends to mankind.
O! nature, thy works I adore;

The path, thou'st design'd us to tread,
Is stock'd with the richest of love,
With the fairest of roses bespread.
Our wants are both simple and few,
Where virtue and modesty reign;
But the phantoms of bliss we pursue,
And the counsels of wisdom disdain.

Let me wander my cottage around,

Taste the fruits of labour and care;
With health, peace, and friendship abound,
And I shall not of pleasure despair.

LEONARD WOODS.

P. QUINCE.

THIS distinguished scholar and divine was born at
Princeton, Mass., June 19, 1774.
His parents,
Samuel and Abigail Woods, are spoken of as both
possessing strong mental powers, while they were

of "Puritanic piety;" his father's "habits of serious thought upon metaphysical subjects having obtained for him the title of "philosopher Woods." With small opportunity for cultivation when young, he became conversant with the most important histories, with the poetry of Milton, Young, and Watts; as also with the works of Locke and Edwards, and of many of the Puritan divines.* His son Leonard early exhibited a taste for study, profiting by the instructions of his father and an elder sister. At six or seven he followed the exercises of a class of older boys in arithmetic, keeping pace with them on his substitute for a slate, of a piece of birch bark; notwithstanding these signs of talent he might have been confined to the duties of his father's farm, had not a fit of sickness, which abated his strength, marked him out for the physically less laborious occupations of the scholar. His mother assisted this scheme of study, which he pursued with the village clergyman; and in 1792 he entered Harvard, taking his degree in course in the class with John Pickering, with the highest honors in 1796. He then was engaged as a teacher in Medford for eight months, when he commenced the study of theology with Dr. Charles Backus at Somers, Ct., continuing his studies at home with the Bible and Brown's system of divinity for his principal text-books. In 1798, he was ordained at Newbury as the successor of Dr. David Tappan, who had been appointed professor of Theology at Harvard. He married the next year Miss Abigail Wheeler, daughter of Joseph Wheeler, judge of probate in Worcester. His public literary reputation dates from the year 1805, when he contributed a series of papers to the religious periodical, The Panoplist, conducted by Dr. Morse of Charlestown, in defence of the old orthodox Calvinism, which was then powerfully assailed by the advocates of the new opinions in vogue at Cambridge, and elsewhere. A scheme for an educational institution "to provide for the church a learned, orthodox, and pious ministry" now developed itself, which resulted in the opening of the Andover Theological Seminary, September 28, 1808, with Mr. Woods in the chair of Christian Theology-a professorship which he occupied for thirty-eight years, when he resigned the office in 1846, retaining the rank of Emeritus professor. He published his lectures, embracing his system of systematic theology, and a portion of his miscellaneous writings, in a series of his "Works" in five volumes, in 1849 and '50. The first three volumes contain one hundred and twenty-eight of the Andover courses of lectures; the other two contain letters, essays, and sermons, including the controversial letters to Unitarians, an Examination of the Doctrine of Perfection, a Dissertation on Miracles, a Course of Study, Letters to Young Ministers, and Essays on the "Philosophy of the Mind,” "Cause and Effect in Connexion with Fatalism

* A Discourse (of the biographical portion of which the present account is an abstract) delivered at the Funeral of Rev. Leonard Woods, D.D.. in the Chapel of the Theological Seminary, Andover. Aug. 28, 1854. By Edward A. Lawrence, Professor in the Theological Seminary. East Windsor Hill, Ct.

+ No. 1. of the Panoplist or the Christian's Armory, was published June, 1805; with vol. xiv. in Jan. 1818. it became united with the Missionary Herald; in January 1821, lost its miscellaneous character, and the publication has since been well known as the Missionary Herald, the organ of the American Board

and Free Agency," and other metaphysical religious topics.

His habit of mind in these theological writings is thus described by his son-in-law, Professor Lawrence, who has sketched his moral and intellectual character with a discriminating pen. "He was never weary of an old truth because of its age, nor repelled from a new one because it was new. He believed in improvements in theologians and theological science, though not in theological truths. He regarded these improvements as coming through much study and prayer, by approximations of human ideas and human hearts to the revealed standard of doctrine, and the model of the Christian life. He accepted certain views of progress; but his cautious habit led him to take no step until he was sure that it was not a backward movement. Much that the world esteems progress, he counted the reverse. If his caution made him conservative, his abhorrence of evil made him also a friend to all judicions reforms. He moved slowly because he moved with care, and with care that he might move securely and lose no time. If he seldom had occasion to retract his opinions, it was from the patient labor and caution with which he formed them."*

His social disposition, kind and refined, was not less marked than his zealous adherence to the advancement of theological education. Dr. Woods continued to reside at Andover till his death, which he met with Christian faith and humility, Aug. 24, 1854, at the advanced age of eighty-one. Dr. Woods was one of the original promoters of several of the benevolent associations of his day, as the American Board of Missions, the American Tract Society, and the Temperance Society, with the history of which his name will be commemorated. One of the last works upon which he was engaged was a History of the Theological Seminary in Andover, which he left nearly completed in manuscript.

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WILLIAM SULLIVAN.

WAS born at Saco, in Maine, November 12, 1774. His father had been Governor of Massachusetts, his grandfather was an emigrant from Ireland. He was educated at Harvard, and studied law in his father's office. The law and politics occupied his attention till the latter part of his life, when he devoted himself to literature, and matters of public welfare. His writings are several discourses, one before the Suffolk bar in 1824; before the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth in 1829; before the Massachusetts Society for the Suppression of Intemperance in 1832; his Political Class Book; intended to instruct the higher classes in schools, in the origin, nature, and use of Political Power, in 1831; his Moral Class Book, or the Law of Morals, derived from the created universe, and from revealed religion, in 1833; an Historical Class Book the same year, and its continuation entitled Historical Causes and Effects, in 1837. In this year he also published his book entitled, Sea Life; or what may, or may not be done, and what ought to be done by Shipowners, Shipmasters, Mates, and Seamen, addressed to Father Taylor,

the minister of the Mariner's Church in Boston.

*Discourse, p. 22.

ww Sullivan.

These were either books for schools, or special philanthropic topics; the work of most general interest which he wrote, is his Familiar Letters on the Public Men of the Revolution, including events from the peace of 1783 to the peace of 1815, which first appeared in 1834. It is a vindication of the Federal Party, and an attack on the opposition, inspired by the animadversions of Jefferson in his published memoir and writings, mingled with personal sketches and criticisms. He died September 3, 1839, aged sixty-four. Mr. Sullivan's life has been written by his son, John T. S. Sullivan. He speaks of the ardor with which his father pursued his studies in his last years, occupying himself from twelve to fourteen hours daily, and of his saying to a friend who regretted that he had relinquished the law: "I believe I mistook, in my selection of a profession, the course most favorable to my happiness; for I have never been conscious of real enjoyment, or of the true bent of my talents, if I have any, until I devoted myself to literature;" a remarkable tribute to a life of letters. Another anecdote of his personal bearing is also given by his son. "He was six feet tall, very erect, and in his gait dignified and reserved. No one, saving his own family, ever approached him familiarly. manners were those of the old school, now almost extinct, and he could more deeply wound with a formal bow, than many men, less dignified, with a blow. He used to say, that dignified civility, based upon self-respect, was a gentleman's weapon and defence."

His

SKETCH OF HAMILTON-FROM THE "FAMILIAR LETTERS." In 1795, Alexander Hamilton, at the age of thirtyeight, resumed the practice of law in the city of New York, and there continued until the close of his life. In December of that year, his personal appearance was this:-He was under middle size, thin in person, but remarkably erect and dignified in his deportment. His bust, seen in so many houses, and the pictures and prints of him, make known, too gene

Prefixed to a new, enlarged, and revised edition of the Public Men of the Revolution. Phila. 1847.

rally, the figure of his face, to make an attempt at description expedient. His hair was turned back from his forehead, powdered, and collected in a club behind. His complexion was exceedingly fair, and varying from this only by the almost feminine rosiness of his cheeks. His might be considered, as to figure and color, an uncommonly handsome face. When at rest, it had rather a severe and thoughtful expression; but when engaged in conversation, it easily assumed an attractive smile. He was expected, one day in December, 1795, at dinner, and was the last who came. When he entered the room it was apparent from the respectful attention of the company, that he was a distinguished individual. He was dressed in a blue coat with bright buttons, the skirts of his coat were unusually long. He wore a white waistcoat, black silk small clothes, white silk stockings. The gentleman who received him as a guest, introduced him to such of the company as were strangers to him; to each he made a formal bow, bending very low, the ceremony of shaking hands not being observed. The fame of Hamilton had reached every one who knew any thing of public men. His appearance and deportment accorded with the dignified distinction to which he had attained in public opinion. At dinner, whenever he engaged in the conversation, every one listened attentively. His mode of speaking was deliberate and serious; and his voice engagingly pleasant. In the evening of the same day he was in a mixed assembly of both sexes; and the tranquil reserve, noticed at the dinner table, had given place to a social and playful manner, as though in this he was alone ambitious to excel.

The eloquence of Hamilton was said to be persuasive and commanding; the more likely to be so, as he had no guide but the impulse of a great and rich mind, he having had little opportunity to be trained at the bar, or in popular assemblies. Those who could speak of his manner from the best opportunities to observe him in public and private, concurred in pronouncing him a frank, amiable, high-minded, open-hearted gentleman. He was capable of inspiring the most affectionate attachment; but he could make those whom he opposed, fear and hate him cordially. He was capable of intense and effectual application, as is abundantly proved by his, public labours. But he had a rapidity and clearness of perception, in which he may not have been equalled. One who knew his habits of study, said of him, that when he had a serious object to accomplish, his practice was to reflect on it previously; and when he had gone through this labour, he retired to sleep, without regard to the hour of the night, and having slept six or seven hours, he rose, and having taken strong coffee, seated himself at his table, where he would remain six, seven, or eight hours; and the product of his rapid pen required little correction for the press. He was along the few alike excellent, whether in speaking o in writing. In private and friendly intercourse, he is said to have been exceedingly amiable, and to have been affectionately beloved.

ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER.

ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER, an eminent political writer and orator of the Federalist school, was born near Fredericksburg, Virginia, in 1765. He was the son of poor but respectable parents, who, during his childhood, removed to Granville, North Carolina. At the early age of fifteen he served in a troop of horse, composed of the youth of the neighborhood, under General Greene during the closing scenes of the southern campaign of the

Revolution. He next entered Princeton College where, while a student in the upper, he acted as a tutor to the lower classes, and was graduated in 1785. He about the same time formed a plan, during a visit at Philadelphia, of making the tour of Europe on foot. He proposed to commence at London, supporting himself during his sojourn by giving lessons and working as a joiner, a trade for which an early taste for mechanics had fitted him. The scheme was frustrated by the departure of the ship, in which he intended to sail, having been delayed for several weeks by ice in the Delaware, during which his stock of money and desire for travel rapidly diminished. As soon as navigation was open he sailed for Charleston with the intention of studying law. While standing on the wharf after his arrival, with only a dollar or two in his pocket, he was asked by a bystander whether he had not taught a class in Princeton of which a youth, whose name was given, was 3 member. He replied in the affirmative, and was informed that this youth was the son of his questioner, who had become familiar with the teacher from the letters of the scholar, his son. By the kindly offices of this friend, who was the keeper of a tavern, the wants of the new comer were provided for; and by an introduction to a lawyer, who received him as a student in his office, his wishes in reference to a profession realized. He read with such zeal as to qualify himself for practice in a year. With a view to speedier advancement in his profession he removed to the interior of the state. Here he soon became known by a series of articles which he contributed to a newspaper on a proposed change in the constitution of the state. He was next elected to the legislature of the state, and not long after to the national House of Representatives, where he became a distinguished and thorough supporter of the administrations of Washington and Adams. After the election of Jefferson he retired from Congress, and in consequence of his marriage with the daughter of Charles Carroll, removed to Maryland and commenced the practice of the law at Baltimore. He was employed with Joseph Hopkinson as counsel for Judge Chase of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the trial which resulted in the acquittal of that officer on all the charges for which he was impeached. He was elected by his adopted state to the Senate of the United States. At a dinner given at Georgetown, June 5, 1813, in honor of the recent Russian victories, he gave as a toast "Alexander the Deliverer," and followed with a speech highly eulogistic of that monarch, and of the power, prosperity, and progress of his dominions. The address contains an elaborate account of the invasion of Napoleon, attributes its failure to the military skill of the Russians as well as the severity of the winter, and congratulates the United States on this result as lessening the preponderating power of France and frustrating the designs which he charges her with, of attempting the conquest of Canada from the English. On the publication of this production Robert Walsh addressed the author a letter in which, after complimenting him as the originator of the phrase of "Alexander the Deliverer," the opinion is expressed that the oration underrates the military character of Napoleon, eulogizes the Russians unduly, and does not perceive the dan

ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER.

gers of Russian ascendency. Harper made an elaborate reply, and Walsh responded with a second letter, after which the speech with the correspondence was published in a volume.

Towards the close of his life Harper became an active member of the American Colonization Society, a scheme in which he took a deep interest, not only on national grounds but from his fondness for the study of the geography of Africa. A long and valuable letter from his pen on the subject appeared in the first Report of the Association in 1818. On the fifteenth of January, 1825, while reading his newspaper after breakfast, he fell, was caught in the arms of his son, and a few minutes after died of a disease of the heart.

He published at various periods a number of speeches and addresses on the politics of the day. His Select Works, consisting of Speeches on Political and Forensic Subjects, with the Answer drawn up by him to the articles of impeachment against Judge Chase and sundry political tracts, collated from the original publications and carefully revised, vol. i., appeared in Baltimore in 1814. It opens with an Address to his constituents, dated December 17, 1795, on the Treaty of November, 1794, in which he gives his reasons for advocating the measure, and pays an eloquent tribute to John Jay.

But, fellow-citizens, let me ask you, and let me appeal to your calm dispassionate judgment for an me ask you, can these frightful events, answer, let these destructive consequences be justly apprehended from a treaty, the whole commercial part of which is to expire at the end of twelve years, and may be terminated by ourselves within two years after the close of the present war? Can any possible operation of a treaty, admitting it to be a disadvantageous, an unwise one, so soon destroy, so speedily ruin, or even in so short a period materially injure the agriculture, the manufactures, the commerce of America, which during the present universal shock in Europe, and under the depredations of all parties, have flourished and increased beyond all former example? I confess I cannot conceive it.

Let me further ask you, fellow-citizens, what reasons there are to believe that Mr. Jay would conclude, Major Pinckney approve, two thirds of the Senate sauction, and the President finally ratify a treaty, "degrading to the national honour, and dangerous to the political existence of the United States;" a treaty containing "a prostitution of their sovereignty, and a wanton sacrifice of their rights;" a treaty which "admits another government to control the legislative functions of the Union," "prostitutes the dearest rights of freemen, and lays them prostrate at the feet of royalty?"

Mr. Jay had a reputation to support, a reputation gained by a long and active public life; would he blast it at once? He has a family growing up around him; would he throw a gloom over all their opening prospects, and nip the bud of their prosperity, by an act which must involve himself and them in one common disgrace? He held a distinguished office, from which the voice of his country might remove him; would he raise the voice of that country against him, by "prostituting its sovereignty, and making a wanton sacrifice of its rights?" At the time when he agreed to this treaty, at the time when he dispatched it to the United States, at the time when without unforeseen and accidental delays it must have arrived and been made public, at that time he was a candidate for an high office in

his own state, to which he could be raised only by
the approbation of his fellow-citizens at large; would
he ensure their disapprobation by betraying their
dearest interests? He was opposed by a numerous
and powerful party, by a popular and respectable
competitor; would he furnish this opposition with
irresistible arms against himself, by an act which
must have drawn on him the public execration?
He is said to be a candidate for the highest trust his
country can bestow, a candidate in opposition to
men distinguished throughout Europe as well as
America, for their talents and their virtues; would
he for ever blast whatever prospects he may have, by
agreeing to "admit another government to control
the legislative functions of his country?" No, fellow-
citizens! The stations which Mr. Jay has filled, the
long period for which he has enjoyed a spotless repu
tation and possessed the confidence of his country,
argue at least a common portion of talents and inte
grity; and a man must be depraved and foolish to
an unusual degree, who, situated as Mr. Jay was,
could consent to so atrocious an act as the treaty is
represented: could consent to "degrade the national
honour, endanger the political existence, and destroy
the agricultural, manufacturing, commercial, and
shipping interests" of his country: foolish if he could
consent to it without seeing its tendency, and both
foolish and depraved if he saw it and yet consented.

We have next Observations on the Dispute between the United States and France, addressed to his constituents and published in 1797; followed by a speech on the necessity of resisting the aggressions and encroachments of France on the Constitutional powers of the President and Senate in the appointment of foreign ministers; an argument in the case of William Blount's Impeachment on the question whether a Senator of the United States be liable to impeachment, delivered January 5, 1799; a letter dated March 5, 1800, enumerating the services of the Federal party to the United States; a speech in favor of a bill to prevent "unauthorized correspondence with any foreign government, with intent to influence its conduct towards the United States, or to defeat the measures of our own government," in which he comments with severity on Mr. Gallatin. The volume closes with a speech in favor of the continuance of the Sedition Law, delivered January 1, 1801, in which he advocates his views with eloquence.

We are called on, sir, for the reasons why this act should now be continued. I will give my reasons most freely. Whether they be the same with those which actuate the conduct of other gentlemen, I know not, but in my mind they deserve all consideration. I wish to revive this law, sir, as a shield for the liberty of the press, and the freedom of opinion; as a protection to myself, and those with whom I have the happiness and the honor to think on public affairs, should we at any future time be compelled by the imbecility or the mistakes of any future administration in this country, to commence an opposition against it: not a factious, profligate, and unprincipled opposition, founded on falsehood and misrepresentation, and catching at the passions and the prejudices of the moment; but a manly, dignified, candid, and patriotic opposition, addressed to the good sense and virtue of the nation, and resting on the basis of argument and truth. Should that time ever arrive, as it may arrive, though I earnestly pray that it may not, I wish to have this law, which allows the truth to be given in evidence on indict

ments for libels, I wish to have this law as a shield. When indicted myself, for calmly and candidly exposing the errors of government, and the incapacity of those who govern, I wish to be enabled, by this law, to go before a jury of my country, and say that what I have written is true. I wish to interpose this law between the freedom of discussion, and the overbearing sway of that tyrannical spirit, by which a certain political party in this country is actuated; that spirit which arrogating to itself to speak in the name of the people, like fanaticism arrogating to itself to speak in the name of God, knows neither moderation, mercy, nor justice; regards neither feeling, principle, nor right, and sweeps down with relentless fury, all that dares to detect its follies, oppose its progress, or resist its domination. It is my knowledge of this spirit, sir, of its frantic excesses, its unfeeling tyranny, and its intolerable revenge, that

makes me anxious to raise this one mound between

its fury and public liberty; to put into the hands of free discussion, one shield against its darts. This shield, I have little doubt, will at length, and perhaps very soon, be torn away; for the spirit of which I speak, goaded by conscious inferiority, stimulated to madness by the envy of superior talents, reputation, and virtue, knows to brook no check upon its power, no censure upon its excesses. But I will not sanction my own death by my own voice. I will not yield one barrier to freedom and the right to opinion, while I can defend it. I regard this law as such a barrier; feeble, perhaps, and ineffectual to check the progress of that tyrannical spirit, which even now can scarce restrain its rage; but though feeble yet dear to freedom, and never to be abandoned by freedom's friends. And in order to keep up this barrier to the last, I shall now, while I may, vote for the continuance of that law, which mitigates the rigor of the common law in this respect, and protects the liberty of the press and of opinion, by enacting that the truth may be given in evidence, on indictments for libels against the government.

Mr. Harper was much esteemed for his moral worth, his readiness to aid his friends, his cheerfulness and geniality. His conversational powers were as marked as his ease and freedom in public discourse, and his society was, on this account, much sought after. The hospitalities of his mansion were ample, and its charities free and liberal. In person he was tall and well proportioned, and his health, until within two or three years of his death, when his constitution was much injured by an attack of bilious fever, excellent.

MATHEW CAREY.

MATHEW CAREY, a voluminous political writer and extensive publisher, was born in Dublin, Ireland, January 28, 1760. His father, a baker who had accumulated a handsome fortune by the successful prosecution of his trade, bestowed upon his five sons a liberal education. Mathew evinced at an early age an aptitude for the study of languages, but made little progress in mathematics. At the age of fifteen he chose the business of printer and bookseller as his future calling against the wishes of his father, who offered him the choice of any of twenty-five other trades. At the age of seventeen he commenced his career as an author by the publication of an essay on Duelling in the libernian Gazette. In 1779 he published a pamphlet on the oppression of the Irish Catholics by the penal code, the advertisement of which was so emphatically worded as to attract

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the attention of the Irish Parliament. The publication was suppressed, and the author would have been prosecuted had he not after a few days' concealment been sent to Paris by his friends. Here he became acquainted with Dr. Franklin, who gave him employment at his printing-office at Passy. At the end of a year he returned unmolested, and was engaged as the conductor of a paper called the Freeman's Journal. On the 13th of October, 1783, he published the first number of a paper of his own, the Volunteer's Journal, the means for the enterprise having been furnished by his father. It soon had a larger circulation than any newspaper but one in Dublin, and was largely instrumental in forwarding the plans of the Irish Volunteers. It was not long suffered to escape the attention of the government. An attack on the parliament and premier in the number of April 5, 1784, was followed by an indictment for libel. He was brought before the House of Commons on the 19th of April, and imprisoned by the sentence of that body in Newgate, where he "lived joyously-companies of gentlemen occasionally dining with him on the choicest luxuries the markets could afford,” until the 14th of May, when the authority of Parliament to imprison terminating with their adjournment, he was liberated by the Lord Mayor. A prosecution for the libel on the premier was, however, still hanging over his head, and as his funds had been nearly exhausted in the establishment of his newspaper, the fine consequent on a conviction would have heavily embarrassed him. By the advice of his friends he again withdrew from the country, and embarked in female dress on board a vessel for Philadelphia, his choice of that city having been determined by reading an account of his own trial in one of its newspapers. The account would, he thought, make him known and secure him friends. After having been run ashore by a drunken pilot in ascending the Delaware, the ship landed her passengers, November 1, 1784. It happened that a fellow-passenger, by the name of Wallace, brought with him a letter to General Washington. Presenting himself at Mount Vernon, he found Lafayette making his farewell visit. The Marquis, who had read the account of Carey in the Philadelphia papers, inquired what had become of him, and was informed of his arrival. A short time after Lafayette visited Philadelphia, sent for Carey, and learning that he was desirous to establish a newspaper, promised to recommend him to Robert Morris and other influential men. The next morning Carey received a letter from the General inclosing $400, a sum which he had the satisfaction of repaying on the General's visit to the country in 1824. On the 25th of the following January he issued the first number of the Pennsylvania Herald. It soon obtained a reputation by its publication of the debates of the House of Assembly, reported by the editor, as well as by its spirited conduct, which, in the same year, involved its conductor in a controversy with Colonel Oswald, the editor of a journal supported by the Republican or democratic party, leading to a duel in which Carey was wounded a little above the knee, an injury from which he suffered for more than a year. In October, 1786, he commenced, with several partners, the publication of the Colum

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