amusing, and some original anecdotes; for several very valuable suggestions; and, not least of all, for the earnest, and sometimes touching manner, in which he has borne his testimony to the good and noble qualities of many of his friends and companions, who perished in the hard-fought actions of Múdkí, Ferozshah and Sabraon. We are, perhaps, never so well pleased with our author, as when he writes in his own proper character, as a sensible experienced Medical Officerone of the many highly intelligent and benevolent surgeonphysicians of whom the Company has so much reason to be proud. It is from the professional character of the writer that his volumes derive whatever of novelty they possess; and as one who takes a deep interest in his profession, Dr. MacGregor will not look upon this expression of opinion as a condemnation of his work.

When some years before his death the physical powers of the old "Lion of the Punjab" began to fail him, and he sought in vain for reinvigoration from the remedies and restoratives of his own Punjabi physicians, it occurred or was suggested to him, that what Eastern skill could not effect, might yet, perhaps, be accomplished by the science and experience of the West. The services of a competent European physician were sought, and found in the person of Dr. Murray, who was, for some time, in attendance upon the Maharajah, but apparently with no very marked results-it being one thing to give advice and to prescribe remedies, another to persuade such a man as Runjit Singh to take either the one or the other. After a time, Dr. Murray was necessitated to retire from Lahore and from India; and soon afterwards Dr. MacGregor was permitted by Government to take his place. Of his medical experiences at Runjit's Court an amusing account is given in the volumes before us; and we think that we cannot do better, before advancing any further, than extract the following passages from the first volume of the History of the Sikhs:

"As further illustrative of the character of the Maharajah, we will offer a few more anecdotes, at the risk of being charged with egotism. In the history of India it will be found, that medical men have some share in procuring a footing for the English in the country. One of the emperors rewarded a medical officer at his court for his skill in curing him, with a grant of land to his countrymen! In our own case, the office of medical attendant on the Maharajah was accepted, when Doctor Murray resolved on going home, more with a view of seeing the Maharajah and conversing with him, than from any pecuniary consideration. Our second visit was made under peculiar circumstances:-for the express purpose of trying the efficacy of electricity and galvanism in removing the Maharajah's complaint. The former agent had been recommended by Dr. H. who occupied the somewhat anomalous position of Physician and Captain at the court of

Lahore. Doctor H. was an adventurer, and started from Lúdianah with the intention of subduing all the countries across the Sutlej; he even hoisted the American flag at Lúdianah, and collected a rabble to attack some villages across the Sutlej; his success, as might have been foreseen, was unequal to his wishes, and he found his way to Lahore, where he remained for some years, and eventually proceeded to Kabul. He is now we believe in his own country. His plan of galvanizing the Maharajah met with a ready consent on the part of the latter, but the exorbitant sum which the doctor demanded for constructing a galvanic battery (£5,000 sterling) naturally disgusted his royal patient, who threatened to wreak his vengeance on Doctor H. if he did not speedily leave his dominions. Dr. H., well knowing the character of the man he had to deal with, lost no time in making his escape to Lúdianah! Acting on the hint, however, the Maharajah determined that the galvanism should be applied to his feeble frame, and the author of this work was accordingly sent to him to perform the operation. We began by constructing a galvanic battery, and with an electrical apparatus, supplied from the Agra depôt, by order of the Governor of the North-western Provinces, the late Lord Metcalfe, we accompanied the political agent to Lahore in the end of 1836. After some delay, a day was appointed for electrifying the Maharajah. The machine was set up and the jar charged, but a difficulty arose on the part of his Highness's attendants, who were afraid that the shock might be attended by fatal consequences. At length the Maharajah begged of them to be quiet, and said he would take the Bigli (electricity.) We purposely put a small charge in the Leyden phial, and the Maharajah received it without evincing any particular emotion. On witnessing the slight effect on their master, all the courtiers entreated that we would give them a shock; and this time we resolved to give them its full effect! The Minister Dhyan Singh joined hands with Jemadar Khúshyal Singh, and he with others, until a chain was formed of the whole party present in the durbar. The jar being now charged to the full extent, they received a powerful shock, which made them all jump. Not making allowance for the difference in the charge, the Maharajah naturally received the credit of possessing a stouter heart and stronger nerves than any of his suite; and this first trial was satisfactory to all parties. Khúshyal Singh suggested, that we should teach some one the art of electrifying the Maharajah; but to this proposal we decidedly objected, though willing to continue our own services as long as they might be required.*

Galvanism was next tried, but this the Maharajah did not approve of, and requested the electrical shocks to be repeated at intervals, which was accordingly done, and might eventually have been of use, but the visit of Sir Henry Fane, on the occasion of the marriage of Nonehal Singh, interrupted the course of experiments. We endeavoured, during the course of operations, to explain the wonderful rapidity of electricity, and in what way the Maharajah might communicate through it, in an instant of time, with the most distant parts of the kingdom, but Runjit Singh, though curious on the subject, was rather sceptical on the latter point.

To the use of medicine generally the Mahrajah expressed a marked dislike, and hardly ever took any, unless it was administered by his favourite physician, Azízúdín. He now conceived that our remedies were too powerful for himself and his people; indeed, on one occasion, where we were requested to prescribe for one of his soldiers, he recommended the men

The Maharajah was much amused at our charging the jar out of him, and dis charging it through the Prime Minister.

to take only half the dose we thought necessary to recommend. He looked upon English surgeons as skilful in operations, and in one case where all the hakims (native physicians) of Lahore had endeavoured in vain to relieve a man, a messenger arrived for us, and the patient was saved from death by a single operation, of which however they had no knowledge. On relating this circumstance to the Maharajah, he remarked, "Those English doctors would, I believe, bring people back from their graves!" no small compliment, certainly, to the profession.

The Maharajah said he had heard that claret was much used among the English officers, and requested that we would give him a bottle for trial. He tasted the wine, but did not at all approve of it, adding that it was little better than water, and wondering at our bad taste in using such insipid stuff."

This last paragraph is a notable illustration of Samuel Johnson's splendid aphorism," claret for boys; port for men; but he who aspires to be a hero must drink brandy." Dr. MacGregor says, that Runjit delighted in liquor even stronger than brandy. He would have realised, in this respect at least, the great lexicographer's idea of the heroic character. We can readily imagine his contempt of so aqueous a beverage as claret.

We need scarcely say that the Dr. H. here initialised is the notorious Dr. Harlan, who disappeared from Runjit's court only to re-appear at Dost Mahommed's. We cannot recognise the necessity of concealing the full name of this worthy, who is willing enough, at all times, to talk about his own exploits. He has already published one volume from which we made some quotations in a recent article on "Dost Mahommed;" and is preparing for the press, if it has not already appeared in America, a more elaborate work, which is to contain "a Personal narrative of General Harlan's eighteen years' residence in Asia." Such a gentleman has no particular longing after the modesty of initials; and "History," indeed, whose business it is not to hide, but to reveal the truth, has nothing to do with the screens, which may be permitted to the mere writer of personal memoirs. Dr. MacGregor deals in initials a little too much.

From this portion of the work before us we make another extract, which will be read with some interest:

"From the frequent opportunities we enjoyed of conversing with the Maharajah, he acquired friendly feelings towards us, and on our taking leave of him for a few days, previous to the marriage of his grandson, he insisted on our conducting the Commander-in-chief to his court! It was in vain that we pleaded our humble situation of Assistant-surgeon in the Honourable Company's Service, urging that such an honour must devolve on the political agent of the north west frontiers! He said this might be all very true, but that we were his (the Maharajah's) friend and medical adviser, and that he would prefer our undertaking the task. In short, he would admit of no

explanation or refusal, and his treasurer was ordered to disburse the necessary funds for providing a marriage dress! The affair was ridiculous enough, though the Maharajah was perfectly in earnest, and we were obliged to promise that we would return with the Commander-in-chief or the Jungí* Lord, either as an attendant upon or in charge of that high functionary.

It may not be here out of place, to give an example of the momentous effects sometimes springing from humble causes. In his negociations with Captain Wade, the political agent, the Maharajah became annoyed at some delay, and determined to get rid of the political agent, not by sending him away from Lahore, but by taking his own departure and leaving the agent to his solitary cogitations. One evening, the Fakir Azizúdìn called upon us with the Maharajah's compliments, saying, it was the wish of the latter, that we should accompany him on the morrow, and that a tent would be pitched for our reception. Knowing nothing of the cause which induced the Maharajah to leave Lahore, we of course promised to attend to his wishes. Soon after the fakír had taken his departure, however, we were informed of the true nature of the case. This was awkward for the political agent, and appeared likely to be followed by serious consequences, for the Sikh troops were then on the eve of attacking Shikarpore, with a view to the conquest of Sindh. What was to be done? We suggested that the political agent should accompany us in the morning to the camp of the Maharajah, when an opportunity might occur for renewing the negociations. Accordingly, early next morning we left Lahore, and reached the camp, where an elegant tent was prepared for our reception. Runjít soon learned tidings of Captain Wade's arrival, and saw plainly that he had been out-manoeuvred. The issue was, that the negociations were renewed, and the annexation of Sindh prevented. This little incident is merely recorded as an instance of a victory in the political department over the "Lion of the Punjab," effected through the accidental instrumentality of an humble individual."

Dr. MacGregor says that the Sikh Sirdars, when brought into contact with British officers, have not ordinarily been treated with much courtesy ; and tells the following anecdote of a slight put upon Súchet Singh, who was a fine soldier and a gay gentleman, on the occasion of Sir Henry Fane's visit to Lahore, in 1837 :

"The late Dhyan Singh has often remarked to ourselves, that he was disposed to like the British, but he could not comprehend them, and was annoyed at their not treating him with the respect which every gentleman expects from another-adding, "I am as good as they, a Rajput and a soldier." Though apologizing for our countrymen, we fear the reasons assigned by the rajah have too much foundation in truth. The ignorance of the language of the Punjabis often exposed the officers of the Queen's service, who went to Lahore, to the imputation of intentional rudeness. At a dinner party given by the political agent to the late Sir Henry Fane and his staff at Lahore in 1837, we happened to be sitting next to Suchet Singh, who was invited as a spectator. He was much delighted at the sight of the guests, and seeing them addressing each other, he thought it due politeness for himself to speak to some of the general staff, expecting a civil answer at the least. But to the rajah's amazement, his question, though put in good Urdú, only elicited a stare! He made several ineffectual

*Literally, the "Battle Lord."

efforts to enter into friendly conversation, when his temper at length became ruffled, and he appealed to us if his language were not intelligible Hindustaní? We assented. "How then is it," he indignantly enquired, "that General L., Colonel D., and others do not reply to me ?" We pleaded their ignorance of the language; but the rajah shook his head and insisted that it was pride on their part, and that they appeared to despise him. The sirdars are in general polite men, and their manners such as to make a favourable impression on strangers. Their language, when addressing you in the Punjabi is soft and pleasing. No gutturals, and few dentals find a place in the delivery, in short, it may be called the Doric of the east. Still it may be difficult of attainment to British officers, from the want of opportunity, heretofore, of hearing it spoken. Our intercourse with the Punjab of late, will remove this obstacle, and the Punjabee will no doubt become a favourite study. Runjit Singh spoke it fluently, though he knew Urdú tolerably well, but preferred conversing in the former."

We are afraid that this charge of discourtesy, whether towards Sikhs, Affghans, or Hindustanís is not wholly without foundation. There are some Englishmen, whom it is difficult to persuade that the word gentleman is not one of exclusive application to white faces and round hats. It is not easy to calculate the extent to which this exclusiveness may have generated in the breasts both of Sikhs and Affghans that hatred of the English, which subsequently developed itself in so unmistakeable a manner.

Dr. MacGregor has devoted several chapters of his work to a record of those strange, wild, murderous events, which succeeded the death of Runjit-events, which were, for the first time, continuously narrated in an early number of this journal. The account of the assassination of Shere Singh contained in Dr. MacGregor's History differs somewhat from our own. We are, therefore, induced to quote it :

"In their hours of revelry, it happened that the Maharajah and his favorites often quarrelled among themselves, and Ajit Singh frequently threatened to kill the Maharajah, but the latter did not regard the threat, and hugged himself in a perfect security while he possessed so careful and wise a servant as Dhyan Singh. The Scindinwalas saw the difficulty that attended the assassination of Shere Singh, and did not fully comprehend what advantage was thereby to be gained, unless they could secure the powerful influence of the Rajah, They accordingly devised a plan, whereby the latter might be incensed, and actually connive at the act which they contemplated. Accustomed to obtain the willing consent of Shere Singh to their demands, they resolved to avail themselves of this advantage to effect their design. An order was written out to the effect that Rajah Dhyan Singh should be put to death, and to this the Maharajah's signature was obtained at a time when, overcome by the effects of liquor, he was unconscious of what he was doing. The next point was to make the Rajah aware of the hostile feelings entertained against him by his master. The Scindinwalas broached the subject to Dhyan Singh, by saying that although ill-will might exist between him and themselves, they were equally servants of the state and deserved well of the Maharajah. Dhyan Singh admitted the justness of the remark. The Scindinwalas then added, "What would you think