get up, and tell me, what one character of liberty the Americans have, and what one brand of flavery they are free from, if they are bound in their property and induftry, by all the reftraints you can imagine on commerce, and at the fame time are made pack-horfes of every tax you choofe to impofe, without the leaft fhare in granting them? When they bear the burthens of unlimited monopoly, will you bring them to bear the burthens of unlimited revenue too? The Englifhman in America will feel that this is flaverythat it is legal flavery, will be no compenfation, either to his feelings or his understanding.

A Noble Lord*, who spoke fome time ago, is full of the fire of ingenuous youth; and when he has modeled the ideas of a lively imagination by further experience, he will be an, ornament to his country in either houfe. He has faid, that the Americans are our children; and how can they revolt against their parent? He fays, that if they are not free in their prefent ftate, England is not free; because Manchefter, and other confiderable places, are not reprefented. So then, because fome towns in England are not reprefented, America is to have no reprefentative at all. They are our children;" but when children afk for bread, we are not to give a ftone. Is it because the natural refiftance of things, and the various mutations of time, hinders our government, or any fcheme of government, from being any more than a fort of approximation to the right, is it

7

* Lord Carmarthen.

therefore

therefore that the Colonies are to recede from it infinitely? When this child of ours wishes to affimilate to its parent, and to reflect with a true filial resemblance the beauteous countenance of British liberty; are we to turn to them the fhameful parts of our conftitution? are we to give them our weakness for their strength; our opprobrium for their glory; and the flough of flavery, which we are not able to work off, to ferve them for their freedom?

If this be the cafe, ask yourselves this question: will they be content in fuch a state of flavery? If not, look to the confequences. Reflect how you are to govern a people, who think they ought to be free, and think they are not. Your scheme yields no revenue; it yields nothing but difcontent, diforder, difobedience; and fuch is the itate of America, that after wading up to your eyes in blood you could only end juft where you began; that is, to tax where no revenue is to be found, tomy voice fails me; my inclination indeed carries me no further-all is confufion beyond it.

Well, Sir, have recovered a little, and before I fit down I muft fay fomething to another point with which gentlemen urge us. What is to become of the declaratory act aflerting the entirenefs of British legiflative authority, if we abandon the practice of taxation?

For my part I look upon the rights stated in that act, exactly in the manner in which I viewed them on its very firft propofition, and which I

have

have often taken the liberty, with great humili, ty, to lay before you.. I look, I fay, on the im perial rights of Great Britain, and the privileges which the Colonists ought to enjoy under thefe rights, to be just the most reconcileable things in the world. The Parliament of Great Britain fits at the head of her extenfive empire in two capa cities; one as the local legiflature of this ifland, providing for all things at home, immediately, and by no other inftrument than the executive power. The other, and I think her nobler capacity, is what I call her imperial character; in which, as from the throne of heaven, the fuper, intends all the feveral inferior legislatures, and guides, and controls them all without annihilating any. As all thefe provincial legislatures are only co-ordinate to each other, they ought all to be fubordinate to her; elfe they can neither pres ferve mutual peace, nor hope for mutual juftice, nor effectually afford mutual afliftance. It is ne ceffary to coerce the negligent, to reftrain the violent, and to aid the weak and deficient, by the over-ruling plenitude of her power. She is never to intrude into the place of the others, whilft they are equal to the common ends of their inftitution. But, in order to enable parliament to anfwer all thefe ends of provident and beneficent fuperintendance, her powers must be boundless, The gentlemen who think the powers of parlia ment limited, may pleafe themfelves to talk of requifitions. But fuppofe the requifitions are not obeyed? What! Shall there be no referved. power in the empire, to fupply a deficiency which may weaken, divide, and diffipate the whole? We are engaged

1

eligaged in war the Secretary of State calls upon the Colonies to contribute-fome would do it, I think moft would chearfully furnish whatever is demanded-one or two, fuppofe, hang back, and, eafing themfelves, let the ftrefs of the draft lie on the others furely it is proper, that fome autho rity might legally fay Tax yourselves for the "common fupply, or parliament will do it for "you." This backwardness was, as I am told, actually the cafe of Pennfylvania for fome thort time towards the beginning of the laft war, owing to fome internal diffentions in the Colony. But, whether the fact were fo, or otherwife, the cafe is equally to be provided for by a competent fovereign power. But then this ought to be no ordinary power; nor ever used in the first inftance. This is what I meant, when I have faid at vari ous times, that I confider the power of taxing in parliament as an inftrument of empire, and not as a means of fupply,tum brake by 0019 105

Such, Sir, is my idea of the constitution of the British Empire, as diftinguifhed from the conftitution of Britain; and on thefe grounds I think fubordination and liberty may be fufficiently reconciled through the whole; whether to serve a. refining fpeculatift, or a factions deinagogue, E know not; but enough furely for the eale and happiness of man. orientada a

Sir, Whilft we held this happy courfe, we drew more from the Colonies than all the impotent vio lence of defpotifm ever could extort from them. We did this abundantly in the laft wir. It has

never

never been once denied

if

and what reafon have

we to imagine that the Colonies would not have proceeded in fupplying government as liberally, you had not stepped in and hindered them from contributing, by interrupting the channel in which their liberality flowed with fo ftrong a courfe; by attempting to take, instead of being fatisfied to receive. Sir William Temple fays, that Holland has loaded itself with ten times the impofitions which it revolted from Spain rather than fubmit to. He fays true. Tyranny is a poor provider. It knows neither how to accumulate, nor how to extract.

I charge therefore to this new and unfortunate fyftem the lofs not only of peace, of union, and of commerce, but even of revenue, which its friends are contending for.-It is morally certain, that we have loft at leaft a million of free grants fince the peace, I think we have loft a great deal more; and that those who look for a revenue from the Provinces, never could have pursued, even in that light, a courfe more directly repugnant to their purpofes.

Now, Sir, I truft I have fhewn, firft on that narrow ground which the Hon. Gentleman meafured, that you are like to lofe nothing by complying with the motion, except what you have loft already. I have fhewn afterwards, that in time of peace you flourished in commerce, and when war required it, had fufficient aid from the Colonies, while you pursued your antient policy; threw every thing into confufion when

that you

you