Imatges de pàgina

get up, and tell me, what one character of libera ty the Americans have, and what one brand of slavery they are free from, if they are bound in their property and industry, by all the restraints you can immagine on commerce, and at the same time are made pack-horses of every tax you choose to impose, without the leaf share in granting them? When they bear the burthens of unlimited monopoly, will you bring them to bear the burthens of unlimited revenue too? The Eng. lishman in America will feel that this is slaverythat it is legal ilavery, will be no compensation, either to his feelings or his understanding.

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A Noble Lord", who spoke some time ago, is full of the fire of ingenuous youth ; and when he has modeled the ideas of a lively imagination by further experience, he will be an ornainent to his country in either house. He has said, that the Americans are our children ; and how can they revolt against their parent? He says, that if they are not free in their present state, England is not free; because Manchester, and other considerable places, are not reprelented. So then, because home towns in England are not represented, America is to have no reprefentative at all. They are 66 our children ;” but when children ask for bread, we are not to give a stone. Is it because the narural resistance of things, and the various mutations of time, hinders our government, or any scheme of government, from being any more than a sort of approximation to the right, is it

Lord Camarthen.



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gi therefore that the Colonies are to recede from it infinitely? When this child of ours wishes to allimilate to its parent, and to reflect with a true filial resemblance the beauteous countenance of British liberty; are we to turn to them the shame: ful parts of our constitution ? are we to give them our weakness for their strength; our opprobrium for their glory; and the flough of slavery, which we are not able to work off, to serve them for their freedom?

If this be the case, ask yourselves this question: will they be content in such a state of slavery? If not, look to the consequences. Reflect how you are to govern a people, who think they ought to be free, and think they are not. Your scheme yields no revenue; it yields nothing but discontent, diforder, disobedience; and such is the itate of America, that after wading up to your eyes in blood you could only end just where you began); that is, to tax where no revenue is to be found, tomy voice fails me; my inclination indeed carries me no further-all is confusion beyond it.


Well, Sir, I have recovered a little, and before I sit down I inust say fomething to another point with which gentlemen urge us.

What is to be come of the declaratory act afferting the entirenefs of British legislative authority, if we abandon the practice of taxation ?

For my part I look upon the rights stated in that act, exactly in the manner in which I viewed them on its very f.rft propofitiun, and which 'I

Have often taken the liberty, with great humilig ty, to lay before you. I look, I say, on the im, perial rights of Great Britain, and the privileges which the Colonists ought to enjoy under these rights, to be just the most reconcileable things in the world. The Parliament of Great Britain fits at the head of her extensive empire in two capaz cities; one as the local legislature of this island, providing for all things at home, immediately, and by no other instrument than the exccutive power. The other, and I think her nobler сараcity, is what I call her imperial character ; in which, as from the throne of heaven, the super, intends all the several inferior legislatures, and guides, and controls them all without annihila, ting any.

As all these provincial legiflatures are only co-ordinate to each other, they ought all to be subordinate to her ; else they can peither pres serve mutual peace, nor hope for mutual justice, nor effeétually afford mutual ațiistance. It is neg cessary to coerce the negligcrit, to restrain the violent, and to aid the weak and deficient, by the over-ruling plenitude of her power. She is never to inträde into the place of the others, whilst they are equal to the common ends of their insti. tution. But, in order to epable parliament to answer all there ends of provident and beneficent fuperintendance, her powers must be boundless, The gentlemen who think the powers of parliament limited, may please themfelves to talk of requisitions. Eur suppose the requisitions are not obeyed ? What! Shall there be nio reserved power in the empire, to supply a deficiency which may. Kenken, divide, and distipate the whole? We are


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etigaged in war the Secretary of State calls upon the Colonies to contribute--some would do it, I think most would chearfully furnish whatever is demanded --one or two, suppose, hang back, and, easing themselves, let'the stress of the draft lie on the others_furely it is proper, that some autho rity might legállý say—Tax yourselves for the " common Tupply, or parliament will do it for • you." This backwardness was, as I am told, actually the case of Pennsylvania for some short time towards the beginning of the last war, owifig to some internal diffentions in the Colony. But, whether the fact were fo, or otherwise, the case is equally to be provided for by a competent sovereign power. But then this ought to be no ordinary power; nor ever used in the first instance! . This is what I meant, when I have said at vario ouś times, that I'consider the power of taxing in parliament as an instrument of empire, and not as a means of supply: 118 Olli (S! (;

HP Vys o Such, Sir, is 'my idea of the constitution of the British Empire, as distinguished from the constitution of Britain ; 'and on these grounds I think fubordination and liberty may be sufficiently reconciled through the whole ; whether to serve a réfining speculatiff, or a 'factious deinagogue, ! know nor; búttlenough surely for the cale and happiness of man. rsrsrsrs 10tutaji!! - "Sir, Whilst we held this happy courfe, we drew řöre fiom the Colonies than all the impotent violence of despotifm 'ever could extort from them. We did this abundantly in the last wur. - It has

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never been once denied-and what reason have we to imagine that the Colonies would not have proceeded in supplying government as liberally, if you had not stepped in and hindered them from coutributing, by interrupting the channel in which their liberality flowed with so strong a course ; by attempting to take, instead of being satisfied to receive. Sir William Temple says, that Holland has loaded itself with ten times the impositions which it revolted from Spain rather than submit to. He says true. Tyranny is a poor provider. It knows neither how to accumulate, nor how to extract.


I charge therefore to this new and unfortunate fystem the loss not only of peace, of union), and of commerce, but even of revenue, which its friends are contending for. It is morally certain, that we have lost at least a million of free grants fince the peace,

I think we have lost a great deal more; and that those who look for a revenue from the Provinces, never could have pursued, even in that light, a course more directly repugnant to their purposes.

Now, Sir, I trust I have thewn, first on that narrow ground which the Hon. Gentleman mea. sured, that you are like to lose nothing by com. plying with the motion, except what you have lost already. I have Thewn afterwards, that in time of peace you fourished in commerce, and when war required it, had sufficient aid from the Colonies, while you pursued your antient policy ; that you threw every thing into confusion when


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