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get up, and tell me, what one character of liber, ty the Americans have, and what one brand of slavery they are free from, if they are bound in their property and industry, by all the restraints you can imaginc on commerce, and at the same time are made pack-horses of every tax you choose to impose, without the least share in granta ing them? When they bear the burthens of una limited monopoly, will you bring them to bear the burthens of unlimited revenue too? The Englifhman in America will feel that this is slaverythat it is legal llavery, will be no compensation, either to his feelings or his understanding.

A Noble Lord *, who spoke some time ago, is full of the fire of ingenuous youth; and when he has modeled the ideas of a lively imagination by further experience, he will be an ornament to bis country in either house. He has said, that the Americans are our children ; and how can they revolt against their parent? He fays, that if they are not free in their present state, England is not free; becausc Manchester, and other considerable places, are not represented. So then, because 1ome towns in England are not represented, Ames rica is to have no representative at all. They are “our children;" but when children ask for bread, we are not to give a ftone. Is it because the na

a tural resistance of things, and the various mutations of time, hinders our government, or any scheme of government, from being any more than a sort of approximation to the right, is it

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therefore that the Colonies are to recede from it infinitely? When this child of ours wishes to allumilate to its parent, and to reflect with a true hlial resemblance the beauteous countenance of British liberty; are we to turn to them the shame ful parts of our constitution? are we to give them our weakness for their strength; our opprobrium for their glory; and the flough of Navery, which we are not able to work off, to serve them for their freedom

If this be the case, ask yourselves this question: will they be content in such a state of slavery? If not, look to the consequences. Reflect how you are to govern a people, who think they ought to be free, and think they are not. Your scheme yields no revenue; it yields nothing but discontent, diforder, disobedience; and fuch is the state of America, that after wading up to your eyes in blood you could only end just where you began; that is, to tax where no revenue is to be found, toniy voice fails me; my inclination indeed carries me no further-all is confusion beyond it.

Well, Sir, I have recovered a little, and before I sit down I inuft fay something to another point with which gentlemen - urge us.

What is to be come of the declaratory act atlerting the entireness of British legislative authority, if we abandon the practice of taxation?

For my part I look upon the rights stated in that act, exactly in the manner in which I viewed them on its very first propofition, and which I Jiave often taken the liberty, with great humilis ty, to lay before you. I look, I say, on the im, perial rights of Great Britain, and the privileges which the Colonists ought to enjoy under these rights, to be just the most reconcileable things in the world. The Parliament of Great Britain fits at the head of her extensive empire in two capaz cities; que as the local legislature of this island, providing for all things at home, immediately, and by no other instrument than the executive power.--The other, and I think her nobler

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capa, city, is what I call her imperial character ; in which, as froin the throne of heaven, the super, intends all the several inferior legislatures, and guides, and controls them all without annihilating any. As all these provincial legislatures are only

. co-ordinate to each other, they ouglat all to be subordinate to her; else they can peither pres ferve mutual peace, nor hope for mutual justice, nor effeéiually afford mutual aslistance. It is net cessary to coerce the negligent, to restrain the violent, and to aid the weak and deficient, by the over-ruling plenitude of her power. She is vever

. to introde into the place of the others, whilst they are equal to the common ends of their insti. tution. But, in order to enable parliament to answer all these ends of provident and beneficent superintendance, her powers must be boundless, The gentlemen who think the powers of parliament limited, may please themselves to talk of requisitions. But luppose the requisitions are not obeyed? What! Shall there be 10 reserved power in the empire, to supply a deficiency which may. wenken, divide, and distipate the whole? We are

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engaged in war the Secretary of State calls upon the Colonies to contribute---some would do it, I think most would chearfully furnish whatever is demanded one or two, suppose, hang back, and, easing themselves, let'the stress of the draft lie on the others-surely it is proper, that some authod rity might legally say—“Tax yourselves for the * common fupply, or parliament will do it for “ you." This backwardness was, as I am told, actually the case of Pennsylvania for some short time towards the beginning of the last war, owing to some internal diffentions in the Colony. But, whether the fact were fo, or otherwise, the cafe is equally to be provided for by a competent sovereign power. But then this ought to be no ordinary power; nor ever used in the first instance! This is what I meant, when I have said at vario ous times, that I consider the power of taxing in parliament as any inftrument of empire, and not as a means of supply. :*::*** 301 1!!!JD: 0;

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! V 1.9 5 Such, Sir, is my idea of the constitution of the British Empire, as diftinguished from the constitution of Britain'; 'and on these grounds I think fubordination and liberty may be sufficiently' reconciled through the whole ; whether to serve a réfining speculatift, or a 'factious deinagogue, I know not; búttleiiough surely for the cale and happiness of man. Isniveau {} :10 Buton.';), I

Sir, Whilft we held this happy courfe, we drew more fiom the Colonies than all the impotent violence of despotifm 'ever could extort from them. We did this abundantly in the last wir. It has

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never been once denied-and what reason have we to imagine that the Colonies would not have proceeded in fupplying government as liberally, if

you had not stepped in and hindered them from coutributing, by interrupting the channel in which their liberality flowed with so strong a course ; by attempting to take, instead of being satisfied to receive. Sir William Temple says, that Holland has loaded itself with ten times the impositions which it revolted from Spain rather than submit to. He says true. Tyranny is a poor provider. It knows neither how to accumulate, nor how to extract.

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I charge therefore to this new and unfortunate fystem the loss not only of peace, of union, and of commerce, but even of revenue, which its friends are contending for. It is morally certain, that we have lost at least a million of free grants fince the peace,

I think we have lost a great deal more; and that those who look for a revenue from the Provinces, never could have pursued, even in that light, a course more directly repugnant to their purposes.

Now, Sir, I trust I have shewn, first on that narrow ground which the Hon. Gentleman measured, that you are like to lose nothing by complying with the motion, except what you have lost already. I have shewn afterwards, that in time of peace you flourished in commerce, and when war required it, had sufficient aid from the Colonies, while you pursued your antient policy; threw every thing into confusion when

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