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INTENSIVE OR FREQUENTATIVE VERBS.
120. This form of the root is even less used than the desiderative. In the present participle, however, and in a few nouns, it may sometimes appear (r. 38. xiii. and 124.). It gives intensity to the radical idea, especially in the case of roots signifying "to shine," "to be beautiful," or "to lament." Thus, from dep, "to shine," comes the intensive form dedipy, "to shine brightly," and the present participle dedīpyamāna (see r. 124.); so also from shubh, shoshubhy and shoshubyamāna; from rud, rorudy and rorudyamāna. There are two kinds of intensive verb, the one a reduplicated atmanepada verb, conforming, like neuter and passive verbs, to the 4th conjugation, and usually found in a neuter or passive signification; the other a reduplicated parasmaipada verb, formed analogously to the 3d conjugation. The first of these is the only form ever likely to occur.
The terminations may be either those of the atm. of the regular scheme at p. 63., or the par. of the irregular scheme at p. 66.; the former being adapted to that form of intensive which results from a reduplication of the passive; the latter to that form which bears analogy to the 3d conjugation.
FORMATION OF THE BASE OF THE ATMANEPADA FORM OF INTENSIVES.
The general rule is, that the initial consonant and vowel of the passive base be reduplicated. The consonant being reduplicated according to the usual rules (p. 75.), with the Guna substitute of the radical vowel, whether it be long or short. Thus, from the passive base day (of dū, “to give ") comes the intensive base dediy (dediye, dediyase, &c., see p. 127.); from hy (passive of hā), jehāy (jehiye, &c.); from story, testery; from pūy, popūy; from vidy, vevidy; from budhy, bobudhy.
If the passive base contain a medial a, long ā is substituted in the reduplication, as pāpachy from pach; sāsmary from smary: if a medial ā, e, or o, the same are reduplicated; as yāyāchy from yäch, seṣhevy from sev, lolochy from lochy: if a medial ri, then arī is substituted in the reduplication, as daridrishy from drishy, parīsprishy from sprishy.
If a passive base contain fri, this becomes✰ in the intensive base; as from faч (pass. of, "to do"). If the base begin with a, as in aty (from, "to wander"), the initial aț is repeated, and the radical ā lengthened, thus aṭāṭy.
If the passive base contain a nasal after short a, this nasal is often repeated; as from gam, jan gamy (, &c.), “to walk crookedly"; from bhram, bambhramy. The passive bases japy, jalpy, dashy, bhajy, and some others, may insert nasals, instead of lengthening the vowel in the reduplication. Thus janjapy, &c. Pady inserts ni; as panipady; and from chary is formed chanchury; from hany, jeghnły; from ghray, jeghriy; from dhmay, dedhmiy.
In these tenses intensives follow the analogy of passives and reject the affix y. Since, however, the base of the second pret. is formed by affixing ām (as usual in all polysyllabic forms, p. 77. g.), and since, in all the other tenses, inserted i is assumed, a coalition of vowels might arise were it not allowed to retain the y in all cases in which a vowel immediately precedes that affix.* Thus, from dedipy is formed the 2d pret. (1st pers. sing.) dedīpānchakre, &c. rejecting y; but from dediy, dedīyānchakre, &c. retaining it. Similarly in the other tenses: 1st fut. dedīpitāhe, &c.; dediyitahe, &c.: 2d fut. dedipishye, &c., dediyiṣhye, &c.; 3d pret. adedipishi, &c., adediyishi, &c.;! bened. dedīpiṣhīya, &c., dediyishiya, &c.; cond. adedipiṣhye, &c., adediyishye, &c.
FORMATION OF THE BASE OF THE PARASMAIPADA FORM OF INTENSIVES.
121. The base is here also formed by a reduplication similar to that of atmanepada intensives; not, however, from the passive, but from the root. Thus from the root pach, pāpach; from vid, vevid; from drish, darīdrish; from kṛi, charīkṛi.† Moreover, in accordance with the rules for the 2d and 3d conjugation (pp. 69. 70.) the radical vowel requires Guna before the P terminations of the scheme (p. 66.). Hence the two bases veved and vevid (pres. vevedmi, vevetsi, vevetti; dual, vevidwah, &c.; 1st pret. avevedam, avevet, avevet, avevidwa, &c.; pot. vevidyām, &c.; imp.
* In passives this coalition of vowels is avoided by the change of a final vowel to Vriddhi, as of chi to chãy, of hu to hāv, and of kṛi to kār; and by the change of final ā to āy, as of dā to day, see r. 113.
In the par. form of intensive, the reduplication may also be daridrish, charikṛi, or, according to the general rule dardrish, charkṛi.
vevedāni, veviddhi, vevettu, vevedāva, vevittam, &c.). Again, the base will vary in accordance with the rules of combination at p. 67., as in budh (pres. bobodhmi, bobhotsi, boboddhi, bobudhwah, &c.). And in further analogy to the 2d conjugation (r. 92. c.) long i is often optionally inserted before the consonantal P terminations (pres. vevedīmi, vevedīṣhi, vevedīti; dual, vevidwah, &c.; 1st pret. avevedam, avevedih, avevedit, avevidwa, &c.; imp. vevedāni, veviddhi, vevedītu.).
Lastly, when the root ends in a vowel, the usual changes take place of i and i to y or iy; of u and ū to uv; and of ri tor: as in the roots bhī, bhū, kṛi (pres. 1st sing. bebhemi, bobhomi, charkarmi; 3d plur. bebhyati, bobhuvati, charkrati).
The second preterite follows the usual rule for polysyllabic bases (p. 77. g.), and affixes am with the auxiliaries. Thus from vid (1st pers. sing.), vevidāmāsa ; from bhi, bebhyāmāsa. In the other tenses, excepting the bened., inserted i is invariably assumed, and before this inserted i a root ending in a vowel forbids the usual Guna change in the futures, but admits Vriddhi in the 3d pret. Thus, 1st fut. (1st sing.) veveditāsmi, &c., bebhyitāsmi, &c.; 2d fut. vevediṣhyāmi, &c., bebhyiṣhyāmi, &c.; 3d pret. avevediṣham, &c., abebhāyiṣham, &c.; bened. vevidyāsam, &c., bebhīyāsam; cond. avevediṣhyam, abebhyiṣhyam. This rejection of Guna is taken from Forster, but admits of question, especially in the case of roots in u or ū.
NOMINALS, OR VERBS DERIVED FROM NOUNS.
122. These are formed by adding certain affixes to the crude of nouns. They are not in very common use, but, theoretically, there is no limit to their formation. They may be classed under three heads: 1st, transitive nominals, yielding the sense of performing, practising, making or using the thing or quality expressed by the noun; 2d, intransitive nominals, giving a sense of behaving like, becoming like, acting like the person or thing expressed by the noun; 3d, desiderative nominals, yielding the sense of wishing for the thing expressed by the noun. The latter are rarely found.
a. All the nominal verbs make use of the regular scheme at p. 63.; but it should be observed that they are rarely found conjugated in any other tense than the present.
Formation of the Base of Transitive Nominals.
b. These are formed from nouns in the way that causals are
formed from roots, by the addition of ay to the crude. But the final vowel or final consonant, and preceding vowel of the crude, must be rejected before this affix is annexed. Thus, from vastra, "cloth," is formed vastray, "to clothe" (3d sing. f vastrayati, "he clothes"); from varman, armour," varmay, "to put on armour " ( वर्म्मयति varmayati ); from प्रमाण, “authority," प्रमाणय्, "to propose as authority." Whatever modifications adjectives
may undergo before the affixes iyas and iṣhtha (p. 47. †.), the same are required before this nominal affix: thus, from dirgha, "long," draghay, "to lengthen"; from antika, "near," neday, "to make near," &c.
In the Mitralabha (Prof. Johnson's edition, p. 97.) there is an instance of a nominal verb formed by adding the terminations directly to the noun; thus,, "I peck," from चक्षु, "a beak."
Formation of the Base of Intransitive Nominals.
c. The final of the crude of the noun is rejected, as in the last case, and ay affixed. Thus, from pandita, "wise," panditāy, “to act the part of a wise man" (3d sing. f); from druma, a tree,” drumāy, “to be like a tree" (14); from rūjan, a king,” rājāy, “to act the king"(). This nominal usually has a neuter or passive signification, and is generally restricted to the atm. It is found, however, in an active sense, especially when derived from nouns expressive of colour; as, from कृष्ण, “ black,” कृष्णाय्, “ to blacken " ( कृष्णायते).
Formation of the Base of Desiderative Nominals.
d. These are formed by affixing y to the final vowel of a crude noun. The effect, however, of this affix is to change a final a or ā to ī, to lengthen a final i or u, and to change ri to. Thus from putra, a son," putriy, "to desire a son" tufa); from pati," a husband," patiy, "to desire a husband" (fn). So also from 4,4; from rājan, rājīy (r. 20. †.).
A desiderative nominal verb may also be formed by adding kamy (derived from
kam, "to desire") to the crude of nouns : thus from putra, putrakāmy, “to desire a son” (3d sing. f); or by affixing sy; as from dhana, dhanasy, “to
desire wealth” (धनस्यति).
THIS is a subject in some respects perhaps the most important that has hitherto engaged our attention. We have endeavoured in the last chapter to show, that however complex the structure of the Sanscrit verb, and however repulsive to the student at the commencement of his studies, this complexity is one rather of theory than practice, and one that hardly extends beyond the pages of the grammar, and is little felt, provided the attention be confined to the earlier and purer specimens of Hindu literature. The cause of this has been shown to be, that the difficulty of the verb expends itself on tenses that are rarely if ever used by the best writers. We are now to show that the necessity for these tenses is superseded by participles, the use of which prevails to an extent wholly unparalleled in any other language, even in the Greek. These participles often discharge the functions of the verb itself, and are constantly found occupying the place of past and future tenses, and more especially those of passive verbs ; insomuch that an instance of a passive in any other tense than the present or imperative rarely occurs. The consideration, therefore, of this portion of our subject bears most closely upon the idiomatic structure of the language; and so prominent a position do these verbal derivatives hold in the construction of sentences and collocation of words, that an accurate knowledge of the mode of their formation and the nature of their duties affords the best insight into the peculiarities of Sanscrit syntax, and elucidates many of the difficulties of idiom in the cognate dialects of India.
It may be desirable to premise that the most important of these participles are not derived immediately from the verb, but from a common source with the verb, viz. the root. The subject, therefore, has not been mixed up with that of verbal inflection,