and rendered it more worthy of circulation abroad as well as at home. It is a work highly honorable to the State, and should be circulated not only for the information which it will convey, but as an example for the sister States of the Union to follow.

We hope there will be liberality enough in the next legislature to publish a new edition of the map, with the alteration suggested, and to order its distribution to the different colleges and literary institutions of the country; and especially, for the honor of the State, that a number of copies may be presented to Mr. Borden, not by way of remuneration, but as testimonials of respect, and of satisfaction with the manner in which he has discharged his duty. Thus far, he has received only the single copy to which he was entitled as a member of the legislature. Professor Hitchcock received twenty copies of his report, and other persons have been thus remembered in the distribution of the State reports. Why this exception with regard to Mr. Borden? We think it is because the members of the legislature were not aware how much the Commonwealth is indebted to him for the beautiful specimen of art of which they see only the result; the means by which that result was obtained they do not see or know. If they will examine the heterogeneous mass of materials from which the map is compiled, if they will look over that pile of most remarkable documents in the Secretary of State's office, called the "town plans," they will be in some degree enlightened as to the quantity of labor and skill which Mr. Borden has brought to bear upon the work. Each of these plans contained more or less of error; he had to bring them together in such a manner, that the sum of the errors should be a mini

mum.

This object was attained by a new and most ingenious application of the instrument known in optics as the Camera Lucida to the purposes of topographical drawing, by which single invention Mr. Borden not only eliminated the greatest possible amount of error, but also made a great saving in time. This instrument, made in Boston on Mr. Borden's plan, has been introduced into the office of the United States coast survey, and into the bureau of the topographical engineers; and we learn that an experienced draughtsman, who has examined it, has stated that five thousand dollars per

annum would be saved in time in these offices by its use. This is but one of the many ingenious methods contrived by Mr. Borden for insuring accuracy and saving expense; the whole history of the survey of Massachusetts is full of them. We learn, too, that the base-line apparatus invented and made by him is to be introduced in the coast survey, as well as his signal-staffs; and that the instruments made by him for use both in the field and the office are all much superior in character to those found elsewhere. In fact, to whatever department of trigonometrical surveying Mr. Borden turned his attention, he always made improvements upon old methods; and whatever rank the survey of Massachusetts, considered as a scientific work, now holds, or is destined to hold, and whatever accuracy or beauty of execution belongs to the map, the credit of it is justly due to him. It should also be known, that the last appropriation for compiling the map was made on condition that it should suffice for completing the work, in fact, that it should be the last, — some impatience having arisen from circumstances and delays over which he had no control and for which he was in no way liable. With a due feeling of pride in the proper completion of the map, Mr. Borden continued his labors some six months beyond the time when he could be really held to perform them. We have been somewhat particular in the enumeration of his services, from the fullest conviction that they merit the gratitude of his employers and the respect of

the scientific world.

The errors committed by the State consisted, first, in ordering the town plans to be made before the trigonometrical survey was begun, thus losing a correcting influence which would have contributed much to their accuracy; and, secondly, in ordering these plans to be made by the towns, thus requiring the employment of surveyors of all descriptions, faithful and unfaithful, and in many cases unacquainted with sketching and topography. All responsibility as to correctness was thus left with the officers of these towns, some of whom gave this excuse among others for an incorrect plan, that they presumed the plans of many other towns would be equally incorrect. Another error was committed in not permitting the map to be finished with the topography of the hills, valleys, woodlands, villages, &c., fully represented upon it, at an additional expense of only three or four thousand dol

lars; the addition would have made the map of great value to the county commissioners, and saved to each of the western counties a sum much larger than the extra expense. A fourth mistake consisted in not appointing, at the commencement of the work, a competent person, willing to execute it faithfully, and possessing so much of the confidence of the executive and the legislature as to have had the whole work placed under his superintendence, with an assurance that it was to be completed in a manner creditable not only to the State, but to the age. By such an arrangement, the expenses would hardly have been at all increased. These errors, as we believe, are mainly to be attributed to a blind contest for political power, which prevented a liberal and certain appropriation of funds being made for the work, not only at its commencement, but during its execution. Indeed, on two or three occasions, the legislature gave strong indications of a determination to withhold any farther appropriation, and thus to put a stop to the work altogether. On one of these occasions, when consulted by the executive as to the manner in which the survey had been carried on, the writer of these remarks had great satisfaction in being able to say, that he believed it was proceeding in a manner highly honorable to the State. At other times, it was necessary for the governor and other gentlemen interested in the work to exercise all their influence in order to prevent the credit of the State being injured by the abandonment of the survey when already half completed.

With all the troubles and difficulties which had to be encountered in the prosecution of the work, and although a faultless map has not been produced, in consequence of the errors of the town plans, yet, as every part of Mr. Borden's work has been thoroughly and accurately executed, we think it may be pronounced far superior to any map of a considerable portion of territory ever made in North America; and, notwithstanding many unfavorable circumstances which tended to swell the expense, we believe that no survey of the like extent has ever been made for so small a sum.

We are pleased to see, that the legislature has ordered to be printed and distributed to the different towns and clerks of courts the positions and details of the stations throughout the State, as determined by the trigonometrical survey, accompanied by such other matter obtained in exe

cuting the work as may be useful in laying out roads, and in the measurement of towns. The preparation of this work, requiring considerable labor and judgment, devolves upon Dr. Palfrey, the Secretary of State.

E.P. Whipple.

ART. VII.-1. Contributions to the Edinburgh Review. By FRANCIS JEFFREY, now one of the Judges of the Court of Sessions in Scotland. London: Longman & Co. 4 vols. 8vo.

2. Wiley & Putnam's Library of Choice Reading: Characters of Shakspeare. By WILLIAM HAZLITT. New York. 16mo.

3. Imagination and Fancy. By LEIGH HUNT. New York: Wiley & Putnam.

16mo.

THE British Reviews and reviewers of the early part of the present century are closely connected with the history of English literature, not only on account of the influence they exerted on public opinion, but for the valuable contributions which a few of them made to literature itself. Some of the most masterly disquisitions in the whole range of English letters have appeared in the three leading periodicals of the time, the Edinburgh Review," the "Quarterly Review," and "Blackwood's Magazine." Almost all systems of philosophy, theology, politics, and criticism have been vehemently discussed in their pages. They have been the organs through which many of the subtlest and strongest intellects have communicated with their age. In generalization, in classifying historical events under ideas and principles, in tracing out the laws which give pertinence to seemingly confused facts, in presenting intellectual and historical epochs in condensed pictures, they have been especially successful. But although containing papers of the greatest merit, their general tone has been too much that of the partisan. Being political as well as literary journals, their judgments of authors have often been determined by considerations independent of literary merit. In criticism, they have repeatedly violated the plainest principles of taste,

morality, and benevolence. Their dictatorial " we has been assumed by some of the most unprincipled hacks that ever lifted their hoofs against genius and virtue. Though they did good in assisting to purge literature of much mediocrity and stupidity, it is questionable whether their criticism on contemporaries was not, on the whole, productive of evil. The rage for strong writing, which the success of their example brought into fashion, at one time threatened to destroy all discriminating criticism. An article was more effective by being spiced with sarcasm and personalities, and the supply was equal to the demand. The greatest poets of the day found themselves at the mercy of anonymous writers, whose arrogance was generally equalled only by their malice or ignorance, and by whom a brilliant libel was considered superior to the fairest critique.

It is impossible to look over the current criticism of that day, and observe the meanness and injustice which so often characterize it, without a movement of indignation. This is mingled with surprise, when we discover in it traces of the hand of some distinguished man of talent, who has lent himself to do the dirty work of faction or prejudice. The great poets of the period were compelled to suffer, not merely from attacks on their writings, but from all that malice could bring against their personal character, and all that party hostility could bring against their notions of government. It was unfortunate, that the same century in which an important revolution occurred in the spirit and character of poetry was likewise that in which political rancor raged and foamed almost to madness. The exasperated passions growing out of the political dissensions of the time, which continually brought opposite opinions in a rude shock against each other, and turned almost every impressible spirit into a heated partisan, gave a peculiar character of vindictiveness to literary judgments. The critics, being politicians, were prone to decide upon the excellence of a poet's images, or a rhetorician's style, by the opinion he entertained of Mr. Pitt and the French Revolution. The same journal, which could see nothing but blasphemy and licentiousness in the poetry of Shelley, could find matter for inexpressible delight in the poetry of John Wilson Croker. Criticism, in many instances, was the mere vehicle of malignity and impudence. Whigs libelled Tory writers, Tories anathematized Whigs.