other line of inter-oceanic communication which may be constructed across the territories of Honduras, her Britannic majesty and the Republic of Honduras agree to constitute and declare the islands of Roatan, Bonacca, etc., a free territory, under the sovereignty of Honduras."

II. That all authority, executive and judicial, exercised under the warrant constituting these islands a colony of the British crown, shall terminate six months after the proclamation of the convention.

III. The inhabitants of the islands, however, to possess the following rights and immunities: 1st, Trial by jury in their own courts; 2d, To govern themselves through the means of legislative, executive, and judicial officers of their own election; 3d, Freedom of religious worship, public and private; 4th, Free trade, and exemption from taxation, except imposed by themselves for their own benefit; and, 5th, Exemption from military service, except for their own defense.

IV. The government of Honduras agrees to exercise no authority in violation of the above reservations; neither to erect, or permit to be erected, any fortifications in the islands; never to cede away or relinquish her sovereignty over them, or any of them; and, finally, that, "as slavery has not existed in the islands, it shall not hereafter be permitted to exist therein."

The second convention terminated all pretensions on behalf of the so-called Mosquito king within the territories claimed by Honduras, and provided for concentrating any Mosquito Indians, if such were found to exist, within a certain limited and convenient district, over which they should enjoy only possessitory rights, subject to the sovereignty of Honduras. The provisions of this convention were to be carried out by a joint commission, which should at the same time act as a board of arbitration for the settlement of all claims and differences, of whatsoever nature, then existing between the two governments.

The insertion of the clause in the first convention regarding slavery was supererogatory, since slavery did not exist, nor was it likely to be established in Honduras. It was impolitic, as likely to excite opposition and provoke hostility to the adjustment in the United States. It was unavailing for any practical

purpose, since neither Honduras nor Great Britain could expect to determine the political or social status of the islands forever. And, while there is good reason for believing that the British government inserted this clause, as well as other reservations in the convention, more for the purpose of disarming the opposition of that large part of the British public, always hostile to any relinquishment of territory, however acquired, over which the English flag has once floated, by depriving it of any strong ground of attack, still there were men in England itself who regarded the clause as designed by its framers expressly to defeat the convention and to prevent the cession, by making the whole proceeding obnoxious to the United States. Apart from the improbability of such serious trifling on the part of a great government, this hypothesis is invalidated by the fact that the assent of the United States was in no way required to the completion of the act of cession in the form agreed upon by the English commissioner and the sovereign state of Honduras. It is true, that in the projet of a convention between the United States and Great Britain, subsequently agreed upon between the American minister, Mr. Dallas, and Lord Clarendon, a provision was inserted for the joint recognition of the convention of cession, which excited opposition in the American Senate, and which was stricken out by that body. Still, had Honduras ratified the convention of cession, this act of the Senate could have in no way invalidated or set aside its stipulations as to the establishment of slavery, or in any other respect.

The two conventions above referred to, with a general treaty of amity and commerce, to which was appended an article guaranteeing the neutrality of the proposed inter-oceanic railway through Honduras, were sent to Honduras for ratification by the Legislative Assembly of that state, at its annual session in February, 1857. The treaty was ratified without change, but the committee to which the conventions were referred, while approving the general principles on which they were founded, nevertheless objected to some of their details, and recommended that they should be returned to the Honduras minister in London, with instructions to him to solicit the modifications de

sired without delay. This recommendation was followed out by the executive of the republic, but the result has not yet been made public. The provision as regards slavery, it is worthy of remark, was not among those objected to by the Honduras Legislature; on the contrary, there is every reason for believing that it was not only acquiesced in, but cordially approved.

Pending, therefore, the modification and ratification of the convention of cession, the Bay Islands remain under the sovereignty and authority of the British crown, governed directly by the Superintendent of Belize as lieutenant of the governor general of Jamaica. It is supposed that the mission of Sir William Gore Ouseley, as queen's commissioner to Central America, has among its objects to hasten the preliminaries of cession; and meantime, it would seem, the government of the United States has determined to abstain from the further discussion of British rights in the islands, as equally from opposing their occupation by Great Britain, on the ground that the convention of 1850 is thereby violated. The presumptions are altogether in favor of their restoration to Honduras on terms substantially the same with those of the convention of 1856, and which, however they may appear to fetter the sovereignty of Honduras, are nevertheless in the interests of humanity and civilization.

D.

(Note to Chapter XXVIII.)

ATTEMPTS ON THE MOSQUITO SHORE.

Early in the eighteenth century there existed a strong disposition on the part of the British government and people to encroach upon the Spanish dominions in the New World, and especially on the parts adjacent to the Central American isthmus. Many plans were submitted to the government whereby rich countries might be detached from the Spanish crown, and control obtained of the routes of communication between the oceans. Most of these seem to have been referred to the governors of

Jamaica, and the naval commanders in the Sea of the Antilles ; and a number, of considerable interest, as illustrating the tendencies of the time, and showing the origin of modern pretensions, are preserved among the papers of Admirals Vernon and Wager, now in the possession of that enlightened collector of original historical data, Colonel Peter Force, of Washington. Among them are the original letters of Robert Hodgson to Governor Trelawney, referred to in the text. The first of these is dated "Sandy Bay, April 8, 1740." It commences as follows: May it please your Excellency, I arrived at St. Andrew's on the 4th of March, and sailed for Sandy Bay on the 8th, where I arrived on the 11th, but was prevented by a norther from going on shore till the 13th.

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"King Edward, being informed of my arrival, sent me word that he would see me next day, which he did, attended by several of his captains. I read to him your excellency's letter, and my own commission; and when I had explained them by an interpreter, I told them my errand, and recommended to them to seek all opportunities of cultivating friendship and union with the neighboring Indian nations, and especially such as were under subjection to the Spaniards, and of helping them to recover their freedom. They approved every thing I said, and appointed the 16th to meet the Governor John Briton and his captains at the same place, to hear what I had further to say.

"On the 16th they all came except Admiral Dilly and Colonel Morgan, who were, like General Hobby and his captains, at too great a distance to be sent for; but their presence not being material, I proceeded to explain to them that, as they had long acknowledged themselves subjects of Great Britain, the Governor of Jamaica had sent me to take possession of their country in his majesty's name; then asked if they had any thing to object. They answered they had nothing to say against it, but were very glad I had come for that purpose; so I immediately set up the standard, and reducing what I had said into articles, I asked them, both jointly and separately, if they approved and would abide by them. They unanimously declared they would. I had them then read over again, in solemn manner, under the colors, and at the end of every article fired a gun, and con

cluded by cutting up a turf, and promising to defend their country, and procure for them all assistance from England in my

power.

"The formality with which all this was done seems to have had a good effect upon them.

"The articles I inclose, and hope your excellency will excuse so much ceremony, for, as I had no certain information whether the country was ever taken possession of before, or ever claimed otherwise than by sending them down commissions, I thought the more voluntary and clear the cession was, the better. The king is very young, I believe not twenty, and is not much observed; but was he to be in England or Jamaica a while, it is thought he would make a hopeful monarch enough.

"On the 18th, the king, with his captains, came of their own accord, to consult about a proper plan to attack [the Spaniards]; but, hearing that Captain Jumper was expected from the other side of the Cape, and neither the governor, Admiral Dilly, nor Colonel Morgan being present, I thought it best to defer it till they were summoned. The king brought his mother, and the captains their wives. I entertained them as usual, but there always comes such a train, that I should have had three or four instead of one puncheon of rum." ***

Hodgson then goes on to describe the appearance of one Andrew Stewart, a pirate, to whom the Indians had made a promise of assistance, from which he endeavored to dissuade them, in order to accompany him; but the Indians finally agreed to attack the River Cocelejo to oblige Stewart, and San Juan de Veragua to oblige Hodgson.

"They intoxicate themselves with a liquor made of honey, pine-apple, and cassada, and if they avoid quarrels, which often happen, they are sure to have fine promiscuous doings among the girls. The old women, I am told, have the liberty of chewing the cassada before it is put in, that they may have a chance in the general rape as well as the young ones.

"I fell into one of their drunken bouts by accident yesterday, when I found Admiral Dilly and Colonel Morgan retailing my advice to them to little effect, for most of them were too drunk to mind it, and so hideously painted that I quickly left them to