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The reader muft condefcend to examine the chain of principles fet forth in the fyllabus, together with the experimental proofs; otherwife he cannot, however learned, enter with us philofophically into this fubject.'-How far the obfcurities of which we complain may be cleared up by the Author's fyllabus, and the experimental proofs to which he here alludes, we can only conjecture.

Before we take our leave of the Author, we would advise him to lay down, in his four fucceeding chapters, the plural character, and the dignified ftyle, which he has thought proper to affume in the two first: unless, indeed, his remaining difcoveries and reafonings fhould, by their importance, juftify the folemn and magnificent diction he has employed in this first part of his performance. WE Reviewers, it is true, conftantly promulgate our high judgments and opinions in the plural number, and that too very properly-for Nos NUMERUS fumus: and we can plead, befides, the authority derived from long prescription:" but we cannot perceive on what grounds the prefent Author can found his affumption of this ftyle; in a work, especially, where the utmost humility of language would fcarce be fufficient to preserve him from cenfure.

ART. IX. The People's Barrier against Undue Influence and Corruption: or, The Commons Houfe of Parliament according to the Conftitution, in which the Objections to an Equal Reprefentation and new Parliaments once in every Year at least are answered, and a digested Plan for the whole is fubmitted to the Public. By John Cartwright. 8vo. 2 s. 6d. Almon. 1780.

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N equal representation, and annual elections, are in this publication, with great boldness of language, and with much ftrength of argument, maintained to be agreeable to the English conflitution, and the most effectual fecurities against the undue influence of the crown. After recommending these objects to the attention of the affociators, the Author proceeds to prove, that annual parliaments have the authority of ancient and general cuftom in this country; that prorogation was a thing not known in the original conftitution of parliaments; and that they were affembled at certain fixed times (not to be difpenfed with at the pleasure of the crown), at least once ayear, befides being liable to be occafionally fummoned by the King for extraordinary bufinefs. He next establishes the natural right of the people to a voice in the election of their reprefentatives, and traces the progrefs of the innovations which have, from time to time, arifen, to infringe the right of perfect reprefentation, and protract the duration of parliaments. After this, he fhews, that thofe acts which introduced firft triennial and afterwards feptennial parliaments, were fundamen

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tal violations of the conftitution, and invafions of the effential rights of Englishmen, and that they have been attended with confequences exceedingly deftructive to the interefts of this country.

Having thus prepared the way for his main defign, Major Cartwright urges, with great warmth and energy, an immediate reformation in the two great articles which are the fubject of his very elaborate work; and offers to the attention of the public a draught of two acts, which, he fays, would doubtlefs reconcile the prefent jarrings between the crown and the people, terminate every jealoufy, and produce a thorough reconciliation. The object of the firft bill, which he calls decla ratory, is to annul thofe acts of parliament which prefcribe qualifications both to electors and representatives, and abolish all borough elections. The fecond bill appoints the number of reprefentatives to be elected in each county and great city; and propofes, that the places of election fhall be fixed by a grand inqueft of the fheriffs and magiftrates of the county; that each county shall be divided into as many districts of election as it fends members to parliament, each to elect one, and no more; that the act fhall be fufficient authority for electing representatives annually, on one certain day, without iffuing writs of election; that the poll be taken in each parifh feparately, by the parish-officers, after public proclamation; that an exact roll be kept in every parish of the competent men; that the report of the parifh-officers fhall be delivered to the fheriff, and from him to the clerk of the crown, and the names of the elected perfons to be publifhed in the Gazette; that every candidate fhall declare upon oath, that he neither holds, nor will hold during his continuance in parliament, any place or penfion from the crown, that he will in no form whatever bribe the electors, and that he will not vote for or confent to the prolongation of parliament beyond the annual térm; that the poll fhall be taken by ballot; that not more than five candidates fhall be admitted; that where no candidate offers, three perfons fhall be nominated by the electors of the district, fummoned by the fheriff, and the perfon returned fhall be obliged to ferve, and be intitled to one guinea a-day, and travelling expences, to be paid by the diftrict; that all members fhall be intitled to the like falary, in aid of which the fees for private acts fhall be paid as ufual; and that the parliament thus elected fhall meet at certain ftated times, without fummons, and be liable to be called together, but not diffolved, by the crown. -Thefe, with feveral other particulars, form the complicated bill which Major Cartwright fubmits to the public attention. Whether this plan be on the whole a good one, may be queftioned; but it is a ftill more difficult queftion, how this, or

any other scheme of reformation can be carried into execution.

However conftitutional the idea of annual parliaments may be, and however partial we are to that fcheme, it must be acknowledged, that the execution, in the prefent times, would probably be attended with inconveniences. There might (it may be objected) be fome danger, left this important truft should fall into the hands of men of low education, and inferior abilities; fince it is not to be expected, that a fufficient number of gentlemen of independent fortunes, and adequate accomplishments, would think a feat in parliament for a fingle feffion an object worthy of their attention. If on an annual election there were frequent changes, the nation would perhaps be kept in a state of continual ferment, and the greater part of the Houfe of Cominons might be at all times unexperienced in parliamentary bufinefs. If changes were not frequent,-if public tranquillity, and a general spirit of inattention to national concerns, fhould give the fame perfons a feat in parliament for several fucceffive feffions, they would foon become liable to all that undue influence at prefent fo juftly complained of:-and the fame objections would perhaps, in fome degree, lie against triennial parliaments; with this additional circumstance, that a feat for three years being of more value than for one, contefts would be carried on with greater warmth, and probably with more corruption. One of our ableft and most independent fenators has faid, That in triennial parliaments the first feffion would be fpent in fettling difputes about contefted elections, and the third in canvaffing; fo that only one year in three would remain for the undisturbed tranfaction of public business.-Thefe are objections which we have frequently heard fuggefted; and they certainly merit confideration.

ART. X.

An Fay on Intellectual Liberty, addreffed to the Rev. Mr. David Williams, occafioned by his Charges in a Letter to Sir George Saville, Bart. * fubmitted to the Confideration of the Legislature, and to all free Inquirers into Philofophical, Political and Moral Truths, particularly among the Diffenters and Papilis, refpecting an univerfal Toleration. By M. Dawes, of the luner Temple, Efq; 8vo. 2s. 6d. Cadell. 1780.

W

E may apply to this Writer what Anthonio, in the Merchant of Venice, fays of Gratiano,-" He fpeaks an infinite deal of nothing, more than any man ;"-at leaft more than any man who ever profeffed, in the fulness of self-confequence, to talk and reafon, forfooth, like a philofopher.A philofopher! Yes, indeed, this "pert Templar" lays claim to the

* See Rev. for May 1779, P. 4Q2.
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character,

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character, with all the freedom of a Bacon or a Locke; and not fufpecting the validity of his claim, he appeals to his philofophic character, as a matter abfolutely determined by indifputable authority, in order to excufe the very free manner in which he hath thought, proper to treat religion. You will be fenfible (fays he to Mr. W.) that I have written my fentiments (if I fhould be fo fortunate as to be clearly understood), as one philofopher writing to another.' PAR NOBILE FRATRUM! Now, if we clearly understand this philofopher, all his reafonings (fuch as they are!) amount to thefe very important and precious conclufions. Firft, That he himself alfo, like fome other wife folks, is just wife enough to be a Deift! and moreover, that he feels himfelf fuch (to ufe his own language) in spite of prejudice ;'—that he is, furthermore, of the opinion of Lord Shaftesbury, that the Chriftian doctrine and proteftantifm are capable of doing great good or harm.' And what then? If-(to use an admirable argument in behalf of Providence, against the objections of captious and half-witted infidels, which Shakespear puts into the mouth of Hamlet) if the fun breed maggots in a dead dog, is any man fo weak, or fo ungrateful, as to deny its usefulness, or degrade its influence? We leave it to the candid and ingenious Reader to extend the argument - farther, and draw from it the conclufion we with.

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But to proceed with this Letter-Writer. He is, with Mr. Williams, an enemy to martyrdom in every sense in which it hath been heretofore extolled by its ardent votaries. He affures us-and we believe him-that he will not fuffer at the stake for any opinions;' for, according to his fyftem of ethics, it is the chief part of wisdom to confult intereft in all its determinations, profeffions, and pursuits; fo that in confequence of this noble and generous maxim, a wife man, fays he, is a Turk in Turkey, a Jew in Jerufalem, a Mahometan * in Mecca, a Papift in Portugal, and a Proteftant in England; and ALL and any of these as regards his public welfare as a citizen of all or either of thefe places, or of the world at large.'

This philofopher is angry because all have not the fame verfatile and commodious confcience with himfelf. Mr. Williams, with whatever favourable eye he may regard this Writer's conomical theology, yet differs from him in fome points of polity. Mr. Williams withes to fee the ftate accommodate itself, univerfally and without referve, to the fcruples of conscience; he would even extend toleration fo far, fo very far, as to give full indulgence to principles and declarations that have no

Is not a Turk a Mahometan as well as the Arabian? If a Jew confulted his intereft, more than his confcience, he would not be à Jew, but a Mahometan, at Jerufalem. Rev.

pretenfions

pretenfions to the most diftant alliance with confcience. Mr. Dawes, on the contrary (fcouting the laft idea as abfurd and intolerable in every view), oppofes what we think perfectly just in the former, and wishes to fee the fcruples of confcience accommodated to the pleasure of the ftate. Hence his scheme of toleration, founded on the worst part of Hobbifm, partakes in its confequences of all the illiberal prejudices of the hierarchy. He hath no religion, and therefore would, for interest's fake, conform to any. The bigot hath no charity for any religion but his own, and therefore would force the confciences of all to fubmit to one. Thus the infidel-ftatefman and the bigotted ecclefiaftic, though they differ in principle, agree in the conclufion, while the views of each are alike unfriendly to the great interefts of truth and freedom.

This performance is, as the Author himself juftly confeffeth, a defultory' thing. There is fomewhat of an appearance of a fort of philofophizing in it; but it is a mere fhadow-an "unreal mockery" of logic, philofophy, and politics. In fome places it is unintelligible; in many ambiguous; and in all fuperficial.

ART. XI. The Meffiah. Being the Prophecies concerning him methodized, with their Accomplishments. By Thomas Barker. 8vo. 2 s. 6 d. fewed. White. 1780.

WE

E cannot more properly give our Readers a view of this worthy Author's defign and method, than by inferting the following quotation from his Preface:

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The prophecies here attempted to be explained are thofe concerning the Meffiah, as proper in this age of infidelity for if it appears that Jefus was the Meffiah, it follows, that what he commands must be obeyed, and confequently the vices of the world avoided. My defign in drawing up this at firft, was to confirm myfelf and family in the true, firm, and rational belief of Christianity; and with a like intention it is now published. And if by methodizing the prophecies in a new manner, by fetting things in a fresh light, or by giving men's minds another call to attend to the fubject, any unbelievers fhall be convinced, or any who are millaken about any circumftance be fet right, my defign will be answered. The method here taken, is to begin with the first general prophecy, that there fhould be a Saviour; and proceed, by his nature, relation to us, the expectation of him, his offices, qualities, prophecies, fufferings, death, refurrection, exaltation, and the fpreading of his gofpel, to his final kingdom and judgment. The feveral texts relating to each particular are fet together in fuch order as feemed to convey the clearest idea of the fubject; and i have then extracted what feems to be the full and clear meaning of what is quoted under each head : and in the last chapter, I have fummed up the fubftance of what is contained in all the former.'

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