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ever honest-that would be a frightful perversion of the term-but he cared not to make himself ridiculous by assuming the garb of virtue, when that guise could be no longer useful. Had he been thoroughly candid, he would have admitted then, what is now apparent to the whole world, that his primary object and the grand aim of his life was the aggrandisement of himself and his family; as also that, his ambition being as limitless as that of Macedonian Alexander, he meditated universal conquest. As the man in a private station who is afflicted with that territorial craving which in Scotland is denominated the earth-hunger, lays his plans for adding acre to acre and field to field without ever contemplating a boundary, and becomes almost mad with vexation and rage should a competitor appear in the market-so did Napoleon in the plenitude of his power, and at one time it was enormously great, aspire to add kingdom to kingdom, until the accumulated mass could bear the weight of a throne roomy enough for another Charlemagne, an undisputed emperor of the West. That, however, was an object too purely selfish to be avowed. The people of France required a stronger stimulus. He knew them to be a vainglorious race, so he conjured them in the name of glory. It was for the glory of France that Joseph Buonaparte was sent to wear the crown of Spain. It was for the glory of France that Louis Napoleon was sent to reign over Holland; and for her glory also he was deposed, because, unfaithful to the family policy, he presumed to consult the material interests of the people committed to his care. It was for the glory of France that Murat, husband of his sister Caroline, should first have Berg and Cleves, and then be established at Naples. It was for the glory of France that Jerome Buonaparte should be crowned King of Westphalia. It was for the glory of France that Napoleon himself repudiated his first wife, the unfortunate Josephine, and contracted a matrimonial alliance with a daughter of detested Austria. It was for the glory of France that he carried her eagles to Moscow, and left the bones

of her children to whiten in a howling wilderness. Such were the deeds of the first Napoleon-such were the results of his policy. It is impossible not to marvel at the great genius of the man, not to admire (if we ever can be said to admire that which we do not approve) his audacity, his intrepidity, his fixity of purpose, and the remarkable versatility which he displayed in all his schemes and combinations, changing and adapting each to suit the exigencies of the hour, and the sudden requirements of circumstance. But is there aught in his character that entitles him to our esteem? Surely not. If ever a malefactor walked the face of the earth, Napoleon I. was one. False and fickle, treacherous and unprincipled, cold, calculating, and vindictive, he exhibited no real token of high heroism, not even equanimity in his fall.

His insatiable ambition wearied out his people, his counsellors, his army. The very marshals whom he had raised from the ranks, and endowed with honours and wealth, fell away from his side. Having gained all that they could hope to attain (for thrones were beyond the reach of all who were not of the race of Buonaparte-Bernadotte, whose elevation Napoleon vehemently opposed, being the sole exception), they refused to wade further in blood, and sighed for the enjoyments of that peace which they had helped so ruthlessly to violate. It is always thus with the masterspirits of ambition, the grand disturbers of the world. Long before their exorbitant appetites can be sated, their followers and accomplices, the men by whose aid they have accomplished so much, have become lethargic. The old energy has left them, for they have nothing to wish for but repose. Still they exercise a controlling power, but not favourably for their chief. He cannot dismiss, discard, or supplant them by the creation of new lieutenants, whose younger energies might be stimulated by the hopes of future reward; for in a State from which the spirit of loyalty has departed, the old soldier, when slighted, becomes a conspirator, and there is no jealousy so fierce and unappeasable as that of

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Ceylon, early Christian church in, 463. Chadwick, Mr, as the leader of the sanitarian movement, 232-his report on the sanitary condition of the labouring population, 235.

CHALONS, THE CAMP, 251.

Chauncy, Sir Henry, and the witch of

Walkerne, 570 et seq. Chevalier, M., on the probable fall in the value of gold, 481.

Cholas, the, in the Nilgherry hills, 310. Christians, the expulsion of the, from Japan, 50, 65.

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA, 462. Christianity, declarations of the Indian

proclamation regarding, 120 et seq. Church, present position of the, 109. Churchill, Arabella, and James II., 665. Civil Service Commissioners, errors of the, 605,

Clarendon, lord, on the Italian question,

612.

Clarke, Jane, the trial of, for witchcraft, 572 note.

Classics, importance of study of the, 198.
Claverhouse, Macaulay's animosity to, 662.
Cleveland, the duchess of, and Marl-
borough, 663.

CLOTHES AND SCARECROWS, 274.
Clothilde, the princess, marriage of
Prince Napoleon to, 377-political ob-
jects of the marriage of, 619.
Cobden, Mr, his translation of Chevalier

on the fall in the value of gold, 481. Coke, chief justice, on witchcraft, 567. Colquhoun's Salmon Casts, &c., notice of, 81.

Combination, the power of, 521.
COMPETITIVE SYSTEM, THE, AND THE PUB-
LIC SERVICE, 598.
Conjuror, a Japanese, 538.

Conquest, passion for, in France, 251. CONTINENT, OUR RELATIONS WITH THE, 765.

Conversations Lexicon, the, on the French

and English navies, 646, 647, 651. Conybeare, Mr, on the press, 191. Copper, abundance, &c. of, in Japan, 535. Cornwallis, lord, views of, as to Christianising India, 471. Corrie, bishop, 477.

Cottager's religious meditations, the, 173. County franchise, the proposed lowering of the, 513.

Courtesans, class of, in Japan, 408.
Cranmer, charge of, on witchcraft, 567.
Credulity, ancient and modern, 567.
CRY FOR REFORM, THE, 505.
Csitate, the battlefield of, 300.
Cuchullin hills, the, 82, 83.
Dai-see, temple of, Japan, 532, 534.
Danube river, the, 296.

DASENT'S TALES FROM THE NORSE, 366.
Dealtry, bishop, 477.

Decima (Japan), sketches at, 49.
Derby, lord, his speech on the Italian

question, 378-defence of his dissolution of parliament, &c., 626. Derby ministry, the, their proposed reform bill, 509-review of their career, 628.

De Tocqueville on the press, 183, 193.
Diana frigate, loss of the, at Simoda, 245.
Dickens, Mr, his picture of the public
servant, 598, 600.

Digestion, what, in the Hydra, 588.
Diligence, a French, 438.

DISSOLVING VIEW OF MONEY AND THE
FRANCHISE, A, 481.

Drama, the alleged decline of the, 110.
Dramatic performances, Burmese, 37.
Dress, the prevalent style of, 277.
Drill, system of, in the Chalons camp, 264.
Duff, Dr, on caste in India, 314 note.
Dutch, first arrival of the, in Japan, 65—
dress among the, 285.

Dutch bazaar, the, at Decima, 49, 52.
Earthquakes, frequency of, in Ni-pon,545.
East India Company, the, close of the

rule of, 113 et seq.-history of, in connection with Christianity in India, 467. Edinburgh, employment of sewage water at, 224-history of the Whig domination in, 631.

Educated classes, measures for extending the franchise to, 512.

Education, first opposition to the general spread of, 164-its ultimate diffusion, 165-as a qualification for the suffrage, 633.

Ehrenberg, the observations of, 595. Elgin, Lord, the embassy of, to Japan, his landing, &c., 400 et seq.-the treaty negotiated with Japan by, 537. Enchanted Pot, the, a Norse legend, 177. Engineers, the French, 259.

England, the war between Burmah and, 35-early treaty between, and Japan, 68-treaty negotiated between, and Japan, 537-literary state of, 1712, 568 -divergence of view between, and Sardinia, 617.

English and French navies, comparison of the, 643 et seq.-at the opening and close of the Revolutionary war, 646. Englishman, dress of the, 286. Examination system for the public service, remarks on the, 598 et seq. Fairleas, parish of, a sketch, 170.

Fairy tales, hostility of the utilitarians to, 366.

FALSELY ACCUSED, 208.

Fancy ball, picture of a, 282, 283. Faraday, professor, report on the Thames by, 227.

Financial Reform Association of Liverpool, the, 523-address of, to the working classes, 634.

Firando, English factory at, 69-abandonment of it, 537.

Fire, early worship of, in India, 317. FLEETS AND NAVIES, FRANCE, Part I., 643.

were conceived in a spirit of wise -moderation, with due regard to vested interests; and that it afforded a guarantee as effectual as could have been devised against future aggression. For a considerable period it did prove effective, and commanded respect; but alas! there can be no security in treaties if any of the contracting parties resolve to adhere to them only so long as adherence is positively advantageous to themselves.

The first important breach of the European settlement was made by Liberal Governments. It consisted in the severance of Belgium from Holland, and the erection of the former territory into an independent king, dom. To that severance France and Britain were consenting parties, indeed they took up arms to enforce it -a fact which must be specially noted in justice to other governments arraigned for violation of the compact. For although all the five great powers of Europe recognised the necessity of a separate government for Belgium, neither Prussia, Austria, nor Russia were willing to see it wrested from the House of Orange; and they were vehemently opposed to the surrender of Antwerp, that great frontier fortress which was considered of so much importance as a material check to the future aggrandisement of France, should she again meditate an extension of her frontier in that direction. That combination of France and Britain was very ominous. It loosened the security of the whole Continental arrangements, by establishing a precedent for making alterations in the internal arrangements of the smaller States of Europe, even without the unanimous concurrence of the five great powers, who were held jointly to constitute the European protectorate. It gave liberty of action to a minority, and inspired with new life and vigour the revolutionary party, then assuming a dangerous prominence. Indeed, it is our firm conviction that the disturbances of 1848 may be clearly traced to the encouragement given by France and Britain in 1832 to the revolutionists, by their conduct in regard to Belgium.

has indeed been said that they LXXXV. —NO. DXXIV.

interfered solely with the view of maintaining tranquillity, and that they had no interest to serve by siding with the Belgian insurgents. But that assertion is clearly liable to challenge. Obviously it was for the interest of France to have upon its frontier a small Catholic state, with a population largely imbued with the French element, rather than a consolidated state in which Protestantism was predominant. The selection of Leopold, so nearly connected with the reigning family of Britain, to be King of Belgium, was cited by politicians on the Continent as a proof that the Court of St James's was not altogether disinterested in this movement; which, however it may be defended on grounds of expediency or political necessity, was certainly an unhappy example to other powers, inasmuch as it furnished them with a precedent for disregarding the text of the Treaty. And accordingly in 1844, Cracow, the independence of which had been expressly guaranteed at Vienna, was absorbed by Austria with consent of the northern powers, in spite of the protest of Lord Palmerston.

From that time the Treaty of Vienna has remained rather as a tradition than a statute-not actually in force, but not so destroyed as to be entirely obsolete. But by degrees a great change had taken place, both in the political relations and in the state doctrines of Europe. Britain, under Whig Ministers, gradually withdrew from her connection, formerly very intimate, with the despotic powers, and cultivated more friendly relations with France, then under the rule of the King of the Barricades, and boasting of a constitutional government. This naturally led to a combination of the three other great powers, for the sake of preserving the balance; so that at one time, in matters of European policy, England and France stood opposed to Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Presently, however, Prussia became so far liberalised as to assume a kind of independent position, possibly induced to do so from the consideration that she might obtain additional respect and influence by qualifying herself for arbitration. And so matters stood at

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Life insurers, proposed extension of franchise to, 512.

Light, early worship of, in India, 316. Lodgers, proposed extension of franchise to, 512.

Lombardy, the Austrian system in, 354. London, scheme for the drainage of, 228. Louis Philippe, French navy under, 649. LUCK OF LADYSMEDE, THE, Part I., 335 -Part II., 413-Part III., 546-Part IV., 677.

Lucknow, impression made by the defence of, 462.

Lyons, sketches at, 433 et seq.

MACAULAY, LORD, AND MARLBOROUGH,661. Macaulay, the defeat of, in Edinburgh,632. M'Kay, general, the grave of, 88.

Mackenzie, Sir G., on witchcraft, 575.
Madras, the first English church at, 468
-constituted a bishopric, 477.
Mahratta race, the, in India, 311.
Malabar, early Christian church in, 463.
Mandelslo, John, account of early life in
India by, 468.

Manhood suffrage, probable results of,632.
Manu, the code of, 313, 322 et seq.
Marco Polo, account of Japan by, 62.
Maritime conscription, the decree for
the, in France, 657.

Marlborough, examination of Lord Mac-
aulay's attack on, 661 et seq.-and on
the duchess, 664 note.
Marseilles, sketches at, 437.
Marshman, labours of, in India, 473.
Martyn, the Rev. Henry, 473.

Master, Streynham, the first English
church built in India by, 468.
Maximilian, the archduke, 615.
MEPHITIS AND THE ANTIDOTE, 222.
Metcalfe, lord, views of, as to the right
of adoption in India, 117,
Miaco, city of, Japan, 242.

Middleton, bishop, on India, 474, 475.
Military equipage, the French, 259.
Monasteries, Burmese, 40.

Mons, the, in Pegu, 34.

Montalembert on the press, 183.
Murad Bey, a Turkish officer, 451.

Nabha, the rajah of, during the mutiny,

118.

Nais, the, and the Hydra, 586. Nangasaki, a visit to, 49, 51. Naples, present state of, 350. NAPOLEON III. AND EUROPE, 375. Napoleon III, his policy toward Italy, 350, 352-his address to the Austrian ambassador, 376-early direction of his views to Italy, 614-views of, in the Italian question, 618-naval progress of France under, 644. Napoleon, prince, his marriage to the princess Clothilde, 376-political objects of his marriage, 619. National literature, effects of a, 98. Naval war, position occupied by science regarding, 644.

Navies, the French and English, compared, 643 et seq.-at the opening and close of the revolutionary war, 646 et seq.

Navy estimates, extracts from report of committee on, 649 et seq. passim. NEW REFORM BILL, THE, 506. Newspaper press, advantages of its being anonymous, 180—the charge of venality against it, 190.

Nice, sketches at, 440-expected cession of, to France, 619.

Ni-pon, island of, 62, 244.

Nizam, the, during the mutiny, 119. Noel, B, on Christianity in India, 121. NÜRNBERG, A CRIMINAL TRIAL IN, 1790, 208.

OBJECTIONABLE BOOKS, 164.

Officers, the Turkish, character of, 451foreign, in the Turkish service, ib. ONLY A POND, 581.

Orderly family, sketch of an, 78. Orsini, influence of the conspiracy of, and of his letter to the emperor, 614, 615.

OUR RELATIONS WITH THE CONTINENT, 765. Owen, professor, on reproduction by gem

mation, 592-on the discoveries of the microscope, 595. Oxenden, Sir George, 468. Pacific ocean, gulf stream of the, 242. Pagan, ruins of city of, 39.

Palmerston, lord, on the Italian ques

tion, 380-declaration of, in favour of reform, 507-the party of, 627, 628. Papal government, evils of the, 356 et seq.

Papal States, present state of, 350, 616. Paper, variety of uses of, in Japan, 535. Paris, a first sight of, 430-Congress of, proceedings on Italian question at the, 612.

PARLIAMENT, THE NEW, AND ITS WORK, 731-present state of oratory in, 108 -influence of the press on, 109 – opening of session of, 375-proceedings in, on the threatened war, 377the dissolution of, defence, &c. of it, 626.

Parochial libraries, on, 168.
PEAS, HOW TO BOIL, 70.

Pegu, the empire of, 34, 35-cession of
province to England, 35.
Penn, Macaulay's animosity to, 662.
PERIODICAL PRESS, THE, 96, 180.
Periodicals, characteristics of, 101.
Persian invasion, importance of its
defeat by the Greeks, 199, 200.
Physicians, style of dress of, 280.
Pilgrimage, comparison of life to a, 71.
Pindar, Peter, his pilgrim and peas, 70.
Plutscho, missionary to India, 469.
PLYMOUTH, The Siege of, 707.
POLITICAL FRIEND, LINES TO a, 764.
Polype, observations on the, 585 et seq.
Pond, interest of a, 581.

diplomatists took no notice, and honoured with no regard. In forming family alliances, or in cultivating political relations, the liking and convenience of the sovereigns were alone consulted. The aggrandisement of the state simply meant the aggrandisement of a particular family.

These doctrines are still in full force in the despotic Continental states, and even in some which are regarded as constitutional; indeed, they can nowhere be said to be entirely exploded. The country which is most free from their influence is undoubtedly our own. It is now an avowed and proclaimed part of our public policy, from which we never can resile, that we will in no way interfere with the domestic concerns of a foreign people, or interpose between them and their monarch; that we are willing to negotiate with any de facto government, without examining closely into its title; that we will neither force nor join in forcing any people to accept a particular dynasty, or send armies to aid a potentate who may have been ejected from his dominions ;-in short, we now recognise states without regard to families. This is obviously a wise policy, and it is that which the Conservative party has proclaimed its determination to pursue. But the practice must be carried even farther than this; for if it be unjust and impolitic to assist potentates against their subjects, so is it equally, to say the least, unjust and impolitic to give any kind of countenance or assistance to the cause of insurgency. And therein, we think, lay the fault of the Whigs. They were ready enough to adopt the principle of non-intervention in certain cases, but in others they did actively interfere; and to their inconsistency we must in part attribute that lessened degree of respect with which Britain is regarded both by Continental potentates and people. The Whigs interfered in the Belgian matter; they interfered in the Spanish quarrel; they interfered also, through diplomacy, in the Italian complications, without any fortunate result, as we may note at the present day. Happily we are in that condition that we stand in no way committed, and are not called upon, for the present at

least, to take any part in the conflict. Whether we may be able to remain in an attitude strictly neutral must depend upon the shape which that conflict may assume, and the lengths to which it may be carried; and over these we have no control. But it may also depend in some measure upon the temperance and prudent caution of the people of Britain, who are at all times greatly too apt to show themselves as partisans and sympathisers. We object not to that generous feeling which extends hospitality and aid to exiles, but we must frankly say that the political ovations with which certain prominent insurgents have of late years been favoured in our large towns and by members of municipalities, were as unwise as they were useless, and, even for the sake of the exiles themselves, had much better have been omitted.

When two mighty armies are ranged and drawn out for battle, it matters little on which side the first shot is fired. The party really to blame is the one which provokes the contest. It is now evident to demonstration, that France has been preparing most actively for an Italian campaign, and that all her dispositions for months past have been made with a view to that event. We cannot therefore believe that the Emperor was in earnest when he professed himself desirous that the difficulty should be solved and peace maintained; nor can we regard his semiacceptance of the mediatorial offers of England, otherwise than as a device to gain time in order that his preparations might be completed. As for Sardinia, her attitude was clearly offensive. The language of the King and his ministers was unequivocally warlike; so much so, that no reasonable man can doubt that it was the consequence of a distinct assurance of strenuous aid from France. By herself and unassisted, Sardinia could not cope with the forces of Austria in the field. Unless powerfully supported, she would not even have dared to utter a menace, much less proclaim a formal challenge.

It would be tedious to enumerate the many circumstances which, when combined, form, in our opinion, a clear proof of the mutual understanding

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