of vengeance. He does not attack his enemies all together, but one after another; and by means unattackable by the law, he compasses their destruction. In the opinion of French military vanity, France owes a grudge to all those powers who compassed the discomfiture of the First Napoleon. France has already, by our assistance, squared accounts with Russia, and her vanity is satisfied as far as Russia is concerned; the taking of the Malakoff has atoned for the retreat from Moscow. Now she is quite willing to avail herself of the assistance of Russia to keep Germany in check, and carry out her designs against Austria. Leipsig was a later blow than Marengo. Austria crippled by war, and lulled by a peace more favourable than under the circumstances she may have a right to expect, the next victim may be Prussia. It must be borne in mind that France is not supposed to seek the destruction of every one of these adversaries, but only a military humiliation, tantamount to the share of each in the defeat of France. Supposing Russia, Austria, and Prussia sufficiently humbled, and severally attached by a magnanimous treaty, as Russia is already attached to France under obligations, England, the most criminal and formidable antagonist, would remain. To her, doubtless, the honour of

France looks for reparation for Waterloo, and probably no very pleasant feeling was superadded by the fact that England concluded the Crimean War with a better army than France. A short war, in which France, throwing us back on our own defences, and obliging us, by menace of invasion, to concentrate all our forces at home, could intercept Malta, the Ionian Islands, and Gibraltar, concluded by a peace recognising the status quo, would just serve her purpose of balancing accounts, and enable her, with a quiet mind, if not a clear conscience, to set to work to carry out the Emperor's dictum of "L'Empire c'est la paix." It is probable, as things look, that our preparations will be sufficient to ward off invasion from this country; whether they will be sufficient at the same time to secure our Mediterranean possessions, and preserve the honour of England untainted in every quarter of the globe, depends in some measure on the energy of our Government for the time being, in a greater measure on the spirit and patriotism of our people; but in the greatest measure of all, on whether we are willing to put aside for the present Reform and other political playthings, and open our eyes wide to the grave realities, and still more serious possibilities of the situation.

ALL of us who have reached manhood must remember one or more epochs when an immediate French invasion was the dream and the conversational topic of Englishmen. It was during an expectation of a descent upon our coast (for many reasons I do not choose to indicate the date more closely) that my regiment chanced to lie at Plymouth. I preferred the quarter to others; for the duty was moderate, and there were plenty and variety of amusements. Another great advantage, in my estimation, was that there were lovely retreats and walks where a man of pensive habits like myself might enjoy the charms of nature and his own thoughts unmolested.

It is, however, due to the reader, as I have placed my name at the head of this paper, that, before proceeding with my narrative, I should say a few words touching my family and connections. My Christian name of Elliot, by which I am always addressed among my kinsfolk, was given for the sake of the great hero of Gibraltar, to whom I am nearly related by my mother's side. We are so proud of this consanguinity, that his name is borne by many members of our family, and will no doubt be continued as long as our line shall endure. The practice of perpetuating the name of a distinguished personage I believe to be something more than an indulgence of family pride. He who bears it will, if not wholly degenerate, be incited to imitate the deeds which originally rendered it famous: he will be animated by the spirit of his great namesake, and is thus in his infancy committed to an honourable career. I feel my own obligations in this respect emulous I certainly am, and I hope not incapable, of adding fresh honour to the name of Elliot, whenever occasion shall permit. Butt, the second term of my nomenclature, was given in compliment to a rich godfather, who, of fended by some jokes at the christening feast, thought proper to leave me

VOL. LXXXV.—NO. DXXIV.

nothing at his death. The family is not of any note, except for the circumstance of their constant connection with the Wagges. Nincome, our surname, is of course sufficiently familiar to most men who have any acquaintance with the world, as it has at least one representative in every society. The church, the bar, and the military services, are constantly recruited by members of our house; and, I say it with pride, legislators, peers, and even ministers of state, have been frequently furnished by us. In short, there is neither profession, trade, nor office, in which you do not occasionally encounter a Nincome. I am closely connected also with that branch which intermarried with the Poopes; and although they by royal license and permission bear the name of Poope in addition to their patronymic, they are in reality pure Nincomes. It is an old remark that the Nincomes are generally prosperous; and as this was my case, and the name of Elliot inspired me with the desire to distinguish myself in the same line as my illustrious relative, I was at the age of eighteen gazetted to an ensigncy in the regiment of foot. Military life is, so far, not particularly agreeable it abounds in incidents which either are without interest to me, or are positively distasteful. I am thus much alone, and frequently absorbed in my own reflections; but this was the case in the early career of the great Napoleon. I look, like him, not to present comfort, but to the high destinies that fate may one day lay open. Another proof of merit and prognostic of greatness is that I am envied by my comrades; at least they are constantly pestering me with petty annoyances, and saying ill-natured and disagreeable things, at which they roar with laughter. It would be unbecoming in a great mind to answer or notice their sallies. If I could give my attention to follies of the kind, what chance would there be of attaining distinction?

3 A

th

perpetuating his dynasty. He sought alliance with some of the ancient royal houses of Europe, but was rejected. He fell back on his rights as the elected of the people, acknowledged himself a parvenu," and finally married a lady distinguished by her beauty and accomplishments, and if not of royal at least of most noble blood. The birth of an heir placed his popularity at its acme. When his life was sought by assassins, he showed undaunted courage; and by continuing to go amongst the people as usual without extraordinary precautions, took occasion to show that his confidence in them at least was undiminished. He stood by England through the Russian War a trustworthy ally, and if he was more anxious to conclude peace than she was, it was because his policy was essentially peaceful, and the object being attained he had no more to fight for. Again, it was natural he should not wish to exhaust the resources of France. Besides this, the sequel of the Persian War and the Indian Mutiny showed that the conclusion of peace was in the end the best policy for England as well as for France. So England need not regret that peace was concluded when it was. He exchanged visits with the Court of England with the greatest cordiality, and showed every disposition to cement as closely as possible the alliance between the two countries. After the frightful attempt of Orsini, and in the excitement consequent thereupon, certain obscure colonels in the French army thought proper to show that in their hearts at least the old jealousy of England still remained. A portion of the English press thought that the procrastination of the disavowal of their sentiments showed a participation in them. Yet the Emperor did disavow them. The request to revise the law of assassination was earnestly, not dictatorially, made, as from one friendly power to another, and, that friendship assumed, ought not to have given umbrage. The Emperor was furiously attacked by the press of England, and a sudden revulsion in his popularity took place among the people. One of the accessaries before the fact to the attempt of Orsini was acquitted, in spite of the

evidence, in the midst of the plaudits of a London mob. After this, the completion of the fortifications of Cherbourg, in pursuance of a plan long entertained, was construed as a menace to England, but the Queen's Ministers did not see it in that light. as they allowed her Majesty to accept the invitation to be present at the ceremonies of inauguration, either not believing in the menace or not choos ing to see it. That France should develop her navy in proportion to her commercial marine, and with a view of protecting her scattered posses sions in various parts of the world, did not seem so very unreasonable. She might also wish to show herself strong, vis-à-vis of England, withon: entertaining any projects of aggres sion, in order to be able to act independently in European affairs. The

Charles et Georges" affair was certainly of a high-handed nature, but scarcely more so than the demand of England on Greece for restitution to Don Pacifico. The parallel suggested itself at once, and England was not the power to cast the first stone. In the matter of the war which has now broken out, it might be urged, that the French government was actuated by s real and sincere wish to see the evils of Italy remedied. It had occupied Rome in the interest of order and religion, and it was desirous, after the re-establishment of good government, to retire from the Papal States; but its own plans of reformation were thwarted by Austria, which kept possession of the Legations with the strong hand at the same time. Its position in Rome was becoming ridiculous, and it was absolutely necessary to make some move or other. If its aims could have been accomplished by pacific means, it would have preferred such; but Austria showed no symptom of conciliation, and would not abate one jot or títtle of her haughty pretensions or tyrannical practices. And it was impossible to hope that any reform could take place in those provinces of Italy which obeyed native sovereigns, as long as they knew that they could always bring in an Austrian force to support misgovernment. France was taunted with her false position in Italy, and it was neces

fear him, others hate him because he will not take them into his counsels; and many Englishmen, again, like him because he flatters the national vanity by being in many respects very like an Englishman. He is cold and reserved in his public demeanour; more cordial, say his friends, when seen in private. Certainly he does not "wear his heart upon his sleeve, for daws to peck at." He listens to all that is said to him, and then takes his own course. He consults everybody and follows his own advice. Again, he has a good seat on horseback. Other Englishmen dislike him either because they ride badly themselves, or because, not being able to keep their own counsel, they hate a close character. Such causes, or causes of no greater weight, are perhaps more nearly the true causes of his unpopularity in England than any commonplace notions of his being the destroyer of the liberties of France. He had equally destroyed the liberties of France when he made his triumphal entry into London. The English press, at least in some of its leading organs, has undergone many phases of opinion concerning him; and he complained in his letter to Sir Francis Head of this conduct of the English press, by that very complaint showing that he had some regard to public opinion in England. It we venture ourselves to express an opinion regarding his character, we put it forth in all modesty, and wish it to be understood in as vague and general a sense as possible, feeling ourselves incompetent to take the measure of a man who certainly is not an ordinary man. It is our impression that he is a man whose general talent has been rather overrated than otherwisp He has doubtless a great power of will, an undaunted courage both physical and moral, and by that inestimable faculty of holding his tongue he is able to bide his time, observe ofroumstances, and thus make the most of them, and bring to bear on them, at the right time, all the faculties he possesses, Perhaps his policy appears to be mysterious, simply because he has no policy at all, but is ready to abandon one ourse and adopt another, accord

he stumbles against a barrier,

or drifts into an opening. Doubtless this is often the cause of cess in life. Some men of uncon querable strength of will and gre talent get on, as it is called, by bending the world to their plani Others do so by forming no plans st all in permanence, but fashioning and refashioning those they do form in the mould of circumstance; while the secret of ill success, even more often than in deficiency of ability, consists in not knowing whether out possesses the power to lead, or whether one must be content to follow. Louis Napoleon is said to be a fatalist, and his extraordinary elevation would tend to confirm him in his fatalism. Before he takes any step, he seems to hold up his hand and see which way the wind is blowing, and whether the air comes against it hot or cold. But that holding of the tongue is his most admirable quality. It is said to have been once said by a man who held a fellowship at Cambridge, after he had been secretly married for many years, that a man who held his tongue might hold anything else. We are not inclined to believe in the excessive craft or astuteness of Louis Napoleon, but much more in the inherent fatuity of universal suffrage. He was carried into power by the flood of a most unreasoning popularity, by the suffrages of millions of ignorant peasants, many of whom thought that they were voting not for the nephew, but for the still existing or resuscitated uncle. The perilous crown of France was offered him on the one hand, beggary, or even a debtor's prison, it is said, on the other. It was the choice of Hercules, and he would have been above the average of mankind in virtue had he chosen otherwise than he did. Besides this, his political enemies would have shown him no mercy had he not anticipated them. In England he could not have managed it, in France he could and did; that makes all the difference. It is idle to say that no Englishman would have acted in the same manner. Many an Englishman, in much the same situation, has married an old woman for her money, an act which does not show