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German, and Russ can tell of des- than formerly, but the work will be perate engagements in which they done in a quarter of the time, and took part, and which it then seemed the beaten party will suffer more in could never be surpassed in amount retreat. of bloodshed and destruction. Eylau, Let us hope, however, though it Borodino, Leipzig, Waterloo, recall may be almost against 'hope, that contests glorious to the victors, hon- the sad extremity of war may be ourable to the vanquished, and car- avoided. Owing to the exasperation nage such as it is to be hoped, for of Austria, to the warlike desires of poor humanity's sake, may never Piedmont, and to the ambiguous polagain be witnessed. But if we be icy of France, obstacles have unfordoomed in our day to see great bat- tunately been placed in the way of tles like those, although they may the proposed congress until military not be more sanguinary, they will be preparations have reached such a more terrible by the rapidity of the pitch that it seems scarcely possible destruction. The war in the Crimea they should not have a conflict for hardly supplies a precedent. There, their termination. But for this, we the engagements in the field were might be justified in building hopes not between armies that could be on the present attitude of certain compared, as regards numerical persons here, who, a few weeks ago strength, to those that would be exorbitant in their demands, have arrayed against each other in such a recently assumed a more moderate war as that which has lately been so tone, and seem better disposed to much talked of, and is still so much content themselves with what may apprehended. Since then the art of be reasonably claimed and probably destruction, which then appeared to obtained, but which, at the beginhave reached a fatal perfection, has ning of the year, they would have made further strides. To the names rejected almost with scorn. The of Minié and Enfield is now to be cause of this change is doubtless to added that of Armstrong. Those be sought at Paris, but we have only names are of themselves worth hosts. the effect to consider. Impartial A battle pow, with a hundred thou- men, not misled by passion, can sand determined soldiers on each entertain but little doubt as to what side, would be the most frightful ought to be done for Italy. Austria butchery, within a short space of should be compelled to retire within time, ever yet beheld. The morale her own limits, and forbidden, under of the best troops will not support pain of the displeasure and armed the sight of more than a certain pro- intervention of the four other great portion of their number put hors-de- powers, to send a single soldier across combat. Those are good armies that her Italian frontier. The sovereigns continue an engagement until a quar- that have hitherto relied upon her ter of their men are killed and wound- armies to support them in oppression ed before either side gives way. They and in refusal of all reforms, would may be called famous armies, indeed, have to yield to the just demands when they stand more than that

. At of their subjects. They would proInkermann, if I remember well, nearly bably even forestall these, for their or quite one-half of the English troops own safety's sake, and because, by engaged were slain or disabled, and yielding moderately with a good still the fight was maintained. But grace, they might avoid the extortion it is a case to which few parallels of a great deal. There can be no are to be found, and the English question that the chief grief and evil soldier is distinguished above all of Italy are the presence and influothers for that particular kind of ence of the Austrian. These removed, courage, for the extraordinary tena- things would have a strong tendency city and nerve which prevents his to right themselves. The petty rulers knowing when he is beaten, and ren- of Central Italy would tremblingly ders him so dangerous a foe. Pro- hasten to make concessions; or, if bably modern improvements in wea- any of them could not make up their pons and ammunition will not cause minds to that, they would have to much greater loss of life in battle abdicate. The Italians should be left to themselves, to arrange their own believed practicable arrangement of affairs, and this could probably be the great existing difficulty, of which done with greater safety now than at I have briefly indicated the outline, any previous time. Misfortune and there is now some reason to hope suffering have borne their fruits, and that Count Cavour is disposed to read their painful but wholesome les- agree. Since his return from Paris, suns to the impetuous, but, in many where the main object of his visit is respects, highly gifted inhabitants of supposed to have been to obtain the the Italian peninsula. There is rea- admission of Piedmont into the Conson to believe that they have profited gress on the same footing as the great by the past, and would be less likely powers, innumerable contradictory inthan before to run into excesses and ferences have been drawn from his ruin themselves by exaggeration. At words, his manner, even from his any rate, the chance should be afford- looks. One day he was reported ed them of improving their condition. gloomy, the next gay, the third again One thing that there are strong downcast; and in accordance with grounds to believe certain is, that the these changes, probably often imaginexecrable doctrines of Mazzini and ary, in his demeanour and aspect, his gang are now very little in favour have been the fluctuations in the in Italy. The hope of amelioration hopes of the party that considers by more worthy means has been held Italy's malady past assistance from out to the Italians, and they have diplomatic medicine, and curable only gladly clung to it. If deprived of it, by trenchant steel. Those hopes are the fanatic sect that has so greatly now apparently somewhat less sandamaged their cause would certainly guine than they were, and there are acquire fresh vigour and proselytes. also other reasons for thinking that But it must be the care of Europe peace, which has been so greatly imthat this come not to pass. The perilled, may possibly yet be pregreater difficulty surmounted, she can served.' We must not, however, dehardly be embarrassed by the lesser. lude ourselves. Any day may witness Active interference would be inter- the downfall of such hopes by the act dicted to her, but good counsels of Austria, who evidently believes should not be wanting, and they that there is a treacherous plan on would surely be readily listened to, foot to exhaust her finances by delay. when proceeding from powers whó It is well known that her treasury is had rendered to the Italians the ser- in no flourishing condition ; the exvice, priceless in their eyes, of deliv- penses of the vast army she now has ering them from the Austrian yoke. on foot are prodigious; she chafes As to the Lombardo-Venetians, their like an impatient charger, and fears case is different, and they must take to see the sinews of war exhausted patience, although they need not before war has commenced. At this abandon hope. There is little sym- date, in Turin, some think that Auspathy in Europe with Austria and tria will declare war-partly out of her barsh ungenial government; but impatience at suspense, partly out of her Italian provinces, secured to her suspicion that she is being made a by treaties, can be wrested from her dupe ; also, perhaps, with the idea only by war, and that is a price which of striking a heavy blow against Piedwe positively know that Europe is mont before France can come to the not disposed to pay, even to obtain rescue. It is true, that before my ink the complete emancipation of Italy is dry, the telegraph may bring infrom foreign domination. If Austria telligence that affairs have taken a be wise, she will, whilst desisting more pacific turn. But on that we from encroachment abroad, seek in dare not reckon. Perplexity and good earnest to conciliate at home. doubt are in every mind, and we can Otherwise she may rest assured that but await, with such patience as we her fair provinces south of the Alps may, the events that Providence has will ultimately, and perhaps at no in store. The disarming, or replacing very distant day, slip from her grasp of armies on the peace footing, stipufor ever.

lated by Austria as the condition on To the just, reasonable, and it is which she will consent to the Con


gress, presents at this moment great foreign powers, and of information difficulties, is resisted by Piedmont, as to the negotiations that have been and may very possibly lead to a rup- going on. If that statement should ture of negotiations and a speedy be such as to afford good hopes of resort to hostilities. On this head I peace, and should the result realise will not enlarge; for according to all those hopes, there can be no question present appearances, before Maga's but that a very large share of the May number is published the ques- merit of having preserved Europe tion will be decided one way or the from a frightful calamity must be other—the question, that is to say, of attributed to the British Government, whether war or a congress is almost and to its diplomatic agents abroad, immediately to commence.

and notably to the English ambassaIn writing from a distance, to a dors at Paris and Turin. monthly periodical, at such a crisis This is but a rambling and desulas this, there is considerable risk of tory sketch--a very imperfect glance one's remarks losing their interest at an important topic; but the month before they can be in the hands of wears on, and the printer waits for the public. Even before this letter

You will make allowance reaches you, much more will proba- for the omissions and shortcomings bly be publicly known than it would which are inevitable when time and be prudent at this moment to predict. space forbid the full development Here we await with anxiety intelli- and exposition of a subject so comgence of the fulfilment of the promises, plicated as the present, and the comgiven on the 8th instant in the Houses plete elucidation and discussion of of Parliament by Lord Malmesbury which would require a volume, instead and Mr Disraeli, of a statement of of a few pages of the Magazine. England's position with respect to


no man.


THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY. It must be apparent even to the Ministry for having advised her Mamost superficial observer that the jesty to take so strong a step as that present crisis is a very serious one, of dissolving Parliament. It is with quite unlike any which has occurred the object of suppressing faction in within the memory of the present the future that this appeal to the generation. Of party contests we constituencies has been made. have seen not a few. We have wit- We shall endeavour to make ournessed the displacement of many selves thoroughly understood, beCabinets. We have had repeated cause it is very important that do dissolutions of Parliament in order false cry should be raised, no menthat the constituencies at large might dacious watchword issued on the pronounce an opinion upon questions present occasion. The electors of of great public interest, or decide the three kingdoms are now called between conflicting schemes for the on to exercise their political rights, advancement of commerce and of by returning to the new Parliament industry. But the present dissolu- representatives who shall generally tion is altogether of another charac- express or at least embody their ter, and proceeds from a much graver opinions. Many considerations, of and a weightier cause. Parliament course, enter into the choice of has not been dissolved because the members; but whenever there is a Bill introduced by her Majesty's dissolution, there must be one conMinisters for the improvement of the sideration of more weight than any representation of the people has been other, of which the electors never rejected by the House of Commons. should lose sight. This is an APPEAL In point of fact there has been no TO THE COUNTRY; and an appeal imsuch rejection. The majority of the plies either a foregoing erroneous House, prompted thereto by Lords judgment, or a positively committed John Russell and Palmerston, leaders wrong. The deliberate rejection by of sections who, upon hardly any the House of Commons of an imother point, could be expected to portant measure brought forward by agree, declined to take the direct the Government, would be a judgissue, and to record their votes ment against which the latter no broadly against the second reading doubt might appeal, in conformity of the Bill

. They took the undig- with the principles of the constitunified and unworthy course of passing tion. But this is always, and most certain resolutions which, without justly, regarded as an exceptional rejecting the bill, should have the and extraordinary remedy, to be effect of defeating the Ministry-a adopted only in extreme cases, and course which we cannot designate as on great emergencies. The decision otherwise than factious. We have of the House of Commons, when it is no wish to use harsh language or to distinct and unequivocal with regard utter angry words. The deed being to any measure which has been subdone, acerbity is out of place, and mitted for its consideration, is envituperation is an implement which titled to the utmost respect at the we shall not deign to employ. But hands of the Ministers of the nevertheless the truth must be spoken, Crown. They may, with her Main order that we may be fully aware jesty's sanction, use, but they are of the gravity of the present diffi- equally bound to abstain from abusculty and the perils which appear to ing, the Royal prerogative. They be imminent. If the conduct of the must not lightly throw the country majority of the late House of Com- into confusion; they should not do mons was not factious, but, on the so from any motive which may be contrary, constitutional and patriotic, construed into a party consideration. then we shall be writing in vain. If We do not say that this rule bas that premiss be granted, it would be been universally observed and never difficult, nay impossible, to justify the violated. We could point to more


than one dubious or equivocal pre- mately into the limbo of abortive cedent; but these should serve rather legislation, and the Ministry would as warnings against, than arguments probably have resigned. The answer for the repetition of a step which is is, that Lord John Russell knew at once unconstitutional and perni- perfectly well that he could not cious. Those who say—and many reckon on a majority of the House, are asserting it now, both in the had a division been taken, aye or no, public prints and on the hustings, on the second reading. His own imthat the Ministry have appealed to mediate followers would have voted the constituencies in order to obtain with him, and against the Bill; but a general expression of opinion on the more wary Palmerston, and those the merits of the Reform Bill which who recognised him as their chief, they introduced, but which is now would not have done so; and a great abandoned, are substituting a false many liberal members, who may be issue for the new one, and attempt- described as unattached, and who ing to conceal from the electors and have for years maintained their pothe public at large, the actual ques- litical credit by advocating Parliation before them. Neither the prin- mentary Reform, durst not have reciple nor the details of the Reform jected the Bill before its details had Bill are now under discussion. The been examined in committee. Therelate House of Commons might have fore the only means of defeating the discussed both the one and the other, Bill, without absolutely rejecting it, and were indeed invited to do so; lay in the proposal of an amendment but the majority of the members, by so cunningly devised as to invite the adopting the resolutions moved as concurrence of almost every member an amendment by Lord John Rus- of the Opposition. sell, absolutely destroyed the Bill, The amendment was a trap; and without proceeding to reject it. Thé in that trap the Opposition, not the long debate of seven nights upon the Ministry, have been caught. They amendment, was productive indeed have fallen into the pit which the of nuch eloquence, but was also diminutive Nimrod of the Whigs derambling in the extreme. Almost signed for the reception of a nobler every member who spoke, instead of game. We must needs say that we confining himself to the amendment, had looked for a better, a higher, and took up the Bill and criticised its a more honourable course of action details according to his peculiar from the British House of Commons. fancy or tenets, objecting to one part When Lord Derby undertook, with of it, commending another, and in- much reluctance, which was only variably tendering some suggestions overcome by considerations of his duty of his own, quite forgetting, or affect to his Sovereign, the onerous task ing to forget, that these were mat- of forming a ministry, he could not ters which ought to have been dis- reckon on the cordial support of a macussed in Committee, certainly not jority of the House of Commons. He dealt with in so desnltory and mis- possessed, however, the entire concellaneous a manner before the prin- fidence of the largest compact body ciple of the Bill was either affirmed in that house—the only one indeed or rejected. Therefore all that has which could, at that time, discharge been gained from the debate, is a the necessary functions of Governvast, conflicting, and heterogeneous ment. The Liberal Party (we adopt, mass of opinions upon the subject of for the nonce, their self-made generic reform, which no political architect, name, without acknowledging its however great his skill or admirable propriety), was broken up into sechis ingenuity, could arrange in a tions. There was no union among convenient shape. If the Minis- Radicals. The Whigs were divided, terial Bill was, as Lord John Russell and ranged themselves separately bedescribed it, a noxious and a danger- neath the banners of two leaders ous measure, why was it not met who never could act in unison ; and with a direct negative ? Had it been more than one lieutenant seemed so rejected, there was an end of it. desirous to try conclusions with his The Bill would have passed legiti- captain. Then there were the Peelites, VOL. LXXXV.NO. DXXIII,

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