Imatges de pàgina
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tate; but they deserve nothing but censure at the bar of international law and justice.

Such are the moral grounds upon which Great Britain must refuse her countenance to the warlike projects which the French and Sardinian Governments appear to have in view in Italy. Our material interests point to the same conclusion. Austria is the least aggressive Power in Europe, and the balance of power and the cause of peace would not be advantaged if she were weakened to the strengthening of either France or Russia. Neither have we any desire to see the process of converting the Mediterranean into "a French lake" carried out by adding to France's growing power in Algeria a Gallic domination in the Italian peninsula. Besides, where is this new policy of Napoleon III.'s to lead? That policy is based upon an entire disregard of the Treaty of 1815, and of the existing territorial settlement of Europe: consequently it disorganises all international relations, and places Europe once more in the crucible. The way is opened for every enterprise which Force may be able to carry through. What was unlawful in 1854 is declared lawful now. Turkey is evidently a doomed Power; and France, which never did a hand's turn in the good work herself, is doubtless now ready, in concert with Russia, to cut short the work of internal improvement in Turkey, which England has been labouring at for thirty years, by a military attack and a new partition. Once Lombardy is in the hands of Sardinia, French troops may march right through northern Italy to the very frontiers of Turkey, or be securely landed and form depots on the east side of the Adriatic. And what, then, about the Ionian Islands? Are they, too, to be made the objects of the sympathetic liberalism of the French Emperor? The policy of his imperial majesty of France, we are officially apprised," is ready to manifest itself wherever the cause of justice and civilisation is to be assisted." Who is to determine where justice and civilisation call for extraneous aid? Was Hungary less de

serving of sympathy and support than Italy and yet Napoleon refused to allow Kossuth set foot in France when on his way to our shores! Some people think that Napoleon III. should begin at home, and that France herself might not be the worse of a little help to wring some amount of internal freedom from the military despotism enthroned in the Tuileries. Whatever be the actual development Napoleon III. intends to give to his ideas, Europe may well look at him askance, and ask, What next?

We have spoken of England's interests, alike moral and material. But there is something superior to individual interests-namely, the common law of Europe, which declares that treaties must be observed, and that he who breaks them is an enemy to the common-weal of Europe. It was for violating the law of nations that the late Czar saw Europe band itself against him. And no one then proclaimed the necessity of observing treaties as did the potentate who now would fain discard the whole treatyarrangements of Europe. All that Napoleon III., in his pamphlet, says in favour of his intervening against the Austrians in Italy, might quite as well have been said by the Czar Nicholas on behalf of his intervention against the Ottomans in Turkey. France, who would not listen to those pleas when put forward five years ago by Russia, cannot expect that they should now be received as satisfactory from herself. The British Government, we rejoice to know, has taken up its ground on the side of peace and international law. It stands firm and unassailable on the ground that treaties must be observed. And it has kept itself free, unpledged, and untrammelled,—-reserving for itself full power of free action whenever circumstances may render a decided policy necessary. Meanwhile let us look to our defences. There is no fear of our losing our independence, but there is a risk of our experiencing a humiliation. Napoleon III. is waiting for the melting of the snows on Mont Cenis,

he may be waiting also for the melting of the ice in the Baltic.

Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh.

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THE Japanese authorities were evidently determined, if official obstructiveness could stop us, to leave no effort untried to do so. Even in the open sea between Vries Volcano and the entrance of Yedo Gulf, two guard-boats succeeded in throwing themselves in our track. At first the officer of the watch innocently believed them to be fishermen, and, dreaming of turbot and mackerel, edged towards the boats, favouring the Japanese manoeuvre. When almost under the ship's bows, up went the little square flags, and out popped upon the deck of each boat a two-sworded official, who, steadying himself against the excessive motion by placing his legs wide apart, waved frantically for the "Furious" to stop. The officer of the watch had directions to be perfectly deaf and blind for the next five minutes. The ship gave a sheer, and went clear of the boats by a few yards they might as well have requested the Volcano behind them to cease smoking, as to yell for us to stop. Stop indeed!--why, the old ship knew as well as we did that the wind was fair, and Yedo right ahead, and this accounts for her incivility to Japanese guard-boats, and her playful kick-up of the heels as

VOL. LXXXV.-NO, DXXII.

she flung herself through the water at a nine-knot speed. The last we saw of the two officers was that one poor man performed a somersault, as his boat dived into a sea; and a somersault with two swords by his side, a queer-cut hat tied on literally to his nose, a shirt as stiff as if cut out of paper, and very bagging trousers, must be a feat not voluntarily gone through; while the other officer, who wisely had himself supported by two boatmen, continued to wave his arms, like an insane semaphore, so long as we looked at him. Poor fellows! we too knew what it was to suffer in performance of orders, and giving them our hearty sympathy, we left these worthies to find their way back to their shores. By nine o'clock we were fairly entering the limits of the Gulf of Yedo, and the freshening gale rendered our speed little short of ten miles an hour. It was a glorious panorama past which we were rapidly sailing, and the exhilarating effect of its influence upon all of us, combined with a delicious climate and invigorating breeze, was clearly visible in the glistening eyes and cheerful looks of the officers and men, who crowded to gaze upon the picture that unrolled itself. The scenery was

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tate; but they deserve nothing but censure at the bar of international law and justice.

Such are the moral grounds upon which Great Britain must refuse her countenance to the warlike projects which the French and Sardinian Governments appear to have in view in Italy. Our material interests point to the same conclusion. Austria is the least aggressive Power in Europe, and the balance of power and the cause of peace would not be advantaged if she were weakened to the strengthening of either France or Russia. Neither have we any desire to see the process of converting the Mediterranean into "a French lake" carried out by adding to France's growing power in Algeria a Gallic domination in the Italian peninsula. Besides, where is this new policy of Napoleon III.'s to lead? That policy is based upon an entire disregard of the Treaty of 1815, and of the existing territorial settlement of Europe: consequently it disorganises all international relations, and places Europe once more in the crucible. The way is opened for every enterprise which Force may be able to carry through. What was unlawful in 1854 is declared lawful now. Turkey is evidently a doomed Power; and France, which never did a hand's turn in the good work herself, is doubtless now ready, in concert with Russia, to cut short the work of internal improvement in Turkey, which England has been labouring at for thirty years, by a military attack and a new partition. Once Lombardy is in the hands of Sardinia, French troops may march right through northern Italy to the very frontiers of Turkey, or be securely landed and form depots on the east side of the Adriatic. And what, then, about the Ionian Islands? Are they, too, to be made the objects of the sympathetic liberalism of the French Emperor? The policy of his imperial majesty of France, we are officially apprised, " is ready to manifest itself wherever the cause of justice and civilisation is to be assisted." Who is to determine where justice and civilisation call for extraneous aid? Was Hungary less de

serving of sympathy and support than Italy -and yet Napoleon refused to allow Kossuth set foot in France when on his way to our shores! Some people think that Napoleon III. should begin at home, and that France herself might not be the worse of a little help to wring some amount of internal freedom from the military despotism enthroned in the Tuileries. Whatever be the actual development Napoleon III. intends to give to his ideas, Europe may well look at him askance, and ask, What next?

We have spoken of England's interests, alike moral and material. But there is something superior to individual interests—namely, the common law of Europe, which declares that treaties must be observed, and that he who breaks them is an enemy to the common-weal of Europe. It was for violating the law of nations that the late Czar saw Europe band itself against him. And no one then proclaimed the necessity of observing treaties as did the potentate who now would fain discard the whole treatyarrangements of Europe. All that Napoleon III., in his pamphlet, says in favour of his intervening against the Austrians in Italy, might quite as well have been said by the Czar Nicholas on behalf of his intervention against the Ottomans in Turkey. France, who would not listen to those pleas when put forward five years ago by Russia, cannot expect that they should now be received as satisfactory from herself. The British Government, we rejoice to know, has taken up its ground on the side of peace and international law. stands firm and unassailable on the ground that treaties must be observed. And it has kept itself free, unpledged, and untrammelled,-reserving for itself full power of free action whenever circumstances may render a decided policy necessary. Meanwhile let us look to our defences. There is no fear of our losing our independence, but there is a risk of our experiencing a humiliation. Napoleon III. is waiting for the melting of the snows on Mont Cenis, he may be waiting also for the melting of the ice in the Baltic.

Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh.

It

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THE Japanese authorities were evidently determined, if official obstructiveness could stop us, to leave no effort untried to do so. Even in the open sea between Vries Volcano and the entrance of Yedo Gulf, two guard-boats succeeded in throwing themselves in our track. At first the officer of the watch innocently believed them to be fishermen, and, dreaming of turbot and mackerel, edged towards the boats, favouring the Japanese manœuvre. When almost under the ship's bows, up went the little square flags, and out popped upon the deck of each boat a two-sworded official, who, steadying himself against the excessive motion by placing his legs wide apart, waved frantically for the "Furious" to stop. The officer of the watch had directions to be perfectly deaf and blind for the next five minutes. The ship gave a sheer, and went clear of the boats by a few yards they might as well have requested the Volcano behind them to cease smoking, as to yell for us to stop. Stop indeed!-why, the old ship knew as well as we did that the wind was fair, and Yedo right ahead, and this accounts for her incivility to Japanese guard-boats, and her playful kick-up of the heels as

VOL. LXXXV.—NO. DXXII.

she flung herself through the water at a nine-knot speed. The last we saw of the two officers was that one poor man performed a somersault, as his boat dived into a sea; and a somersault with two swords by his side, a queer-cut hat tied on literally to his nose, a shirt as stiff as if cut out of paper, and very bagging trousers, must be a feat not voluntarily gone through; while the other officer, who wisely had himself supported by two boatmen, continued to wave his arms, like an insane semaphore, so long as we looked at him. Poor fellows! we too knew what it was to suffer in performance of orders, and giving them our hearty sympathy, we left these worthies to find their way back to their shores. By nine o'clock we were fairly entering the limits of the Gulf of Yedo, and the freshening gale rendered our speed little short of ten miles an hour. It was a glorious panorama past which we were rapidly sailing, and the exhilarating effect of its influence upon all of us, combined with a delicious climate and invigorating breeze, was clearly visible in the glistening eyes and cheerful looks of the officers and men, who crowded to gaze upon the picture that unrolled itself. The scenery was

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neither Indian nor Chinese, and presented more of the features of a land within the temperate, than of one touching the torrid zone. The lower and nearer portions of the shores of the Gulf resembled strongly some of the most picturesque spots in our own dear islands; yet we have no gulf in Britain upon such a scale as that of Yedo. Take the fairest portion of the coast of Devonshire, and all the shores of the Isle of Wight, form with their combined beauty a gulf forty-five miles long, and varying in width from ten to thirty. În every nook and valley, as well as along every sandy bay, place pretty towns and villages, cut out all brick and plaster villas with Corinthian porticoes, and introduce the neatest chalêts Switzerland ever produced -strew the bright sea with quaint vessels and picturesque boats, and you will have the foreground of the picture. For background, scatter to the eastward the finest scenery our Highlands of Scotland can afford-leave the blue and purple tints untouched, as well as the pine-tree and mountain-ash. Far back, fifty miles off, on the western side of the Gulf, amidst masses of snowy clouds and streams of golden mist, let a lofty mountainrange be seen, and at its centre rear a magnificent cone, the beautiful Fusi-hama, the "Matchless Mountain" of Japan. And then, perhaps, the reader can in some way picture to his mind's eye the beauties of the Gulf of Yedo, in the loveliness of that bright day when it first gladdened our sight.

The freshening gale drove the ships, like sea-gulls, past the noble bluffs between Capes Sagami and Kamisaki. The latter, to which we approached within a thousand yards, was bristling with batteries, and swarming with guard-boats, of which several, with officers and linguists on board, pushed off, and tried their best, by signals, to induce us to stop. We only gave ourselves time to note that the promising little port of Uragua was full of native vessels, and that here shelter might be very likely found, if the anchorage in the Gulf proved insecure. Guided by the excellent map and chart of Commodore Perry, we hauled in for

the western shore to avoid a dangerous shoal called by the Americans Saratoga Spit, and then bore away north. We sighted rapidly, one after the other, the various points and headlands mentioned by Perry, and recognised Treaty Point, near which the American treaty of March 31, 1854, was negotiated.

In the bay of Kanagawa, an extremely pretty indentation upon the west coast, just beyond Treaty Bluff, we saw at anchor the Russian frigate "Escold," and a despatch gun-boat. The former we knew had on board his Excellency Count Pontiatine, the Russian plenipotentiary; and he was doubtless busily labouring, on behalf of his imperial master, amongst the treaty-bewildered Japanese.

The "Furious" was in ten fathoms water, and it seemed quite unreasonable to haul out of the high-road to the capital and anchor, because other people had done so, at Kanagawa. With the sanction of Lord Elgin, the "Furious" and "Retribution" bore away for Yedo. Mr Hewskin, the interpreter, had, whilst accompanying Mr Harris in his last visit to Yedo, been carried on one occasion in a small Japanese steamer from Kanagawa to the capital; but from his observations upon that occasion, he was led to believe that extensive mud-banks barred the approach to the city. Yet he suggested, what we found to have been the case, that the Japanese officers had taken the vessel by a very shallow route expressly to mislead the new-comers.

Rattling along amongst fleets of native boats of all sizes round the shallows of Beacon Point, we went off the American chart, on to really unknown ground, beyond the maps of Siebold and Kampfer, which alone gave us the coast line, and guided us to the north-west corner of the Gulf, as the site of Yedo. On a very clear day from Beacon Point the southern suburb of Yedo, named Sinagawa, may doubtless be visible, as well as the hills situated within the limits of the city itself; but the strong gale before which we were blown, had caused a haze that hid all from us, except the outline of some low hills to the north-west. Directly we were clear of the shoals,

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