ism, the House of Lords put an end to, and even our gracious Sovereign reduced to a tenure of good behaviour, or what might appear so in the eyes of Mr Bright. Notwithstanding all this, however, it was not Reform-it was not the pacific work of domestic improvement, that excited most attention in the Royal Address, or gave the tone to the debates which followed. It was the rumours of war coming thick and fast from the Continent, and the note of defensive preparation contained in the royal statement that it had become necessary "to reconstruct the British fleet." When had such an announcement been made before? What did it point to? What were the urgent circumstances which called it forth now?

The year had opened ominously. For some weeks before the old year expired, rumours of unusual disaffection and incipient revolt had reached us from the Italian possessions of Austria-rumours, it was remarked, which were always magnified as they passed through Turin, and which were reproduced in their gravest form in the Parisian journals. At the same time Sardinia had been keeping up a larger army than needful, and at a review the King had brusquely exhorted the troops to maintain their efficiency, as they would be needed in spring. Sardinia seemed bent on exciting troubles; yet her power was so incommensurate with her obvious wish, that little uneasiness was created in the public mind, as it was felt that peace could not be broken so long as the great Powers were resolved to maintain it. And that view was a true one. But on New Year's Day a report suddenly flashed abroad that the French Emperor, while greeting cordially the representatives of all the other Powers, had addressed angry words to the ambassador of Austria, -a report which at once embodied itself at Paris in a panic; and the sight of the French Funds dropping down five per cent was, like the sudden fall of mercury in a barometer, received by the European public as indicative of coming storms. The words actually spoken by the Emperor (and doubtless used by him with most perfect premeditation) might mean nothing

or everything; and the fact that they were immediately understood in the latter sense in Paris, seems to imply that this was the view adopted by those who were partially admitted to the secret thoughts of the Imperial mind. Days passed, and the panic continued, and every journal in Europe was commenting on this unexpected portent of troubles; yet the Moniteur was silent. Had the Emperor not been known to have been revolving in his mind the expediency of a quarrel with Austria, no such warlike meaning would have been attached to his words by those who were present and spread the report; or if the Emperor had felt himself misunderstood, and had desired to remove the warlike impression, the Moniteur would have spoken out immediately. But it kept silence. The Imperial ear wished to hear distinctly the echoes which his words awakened. And when at length a "note" did appear in the official journal, its language was not very reassuring: it seemed little else than the voice of one who, whatever his designs, wished to preserve the courtesies of imperial intercommunication. The facts, too, now began to corroborate the warlike meaning attached to the Emperor's words. The din of preparation became loud in every arsenal of France. The cannonfoundries were actively at work; whole regiments of soldiers were drafted from their ordinary duties to assist in the manufacture of cartridges; stores of biscuit, wine, and other commissariat supplies, began daily to arrive at Toulon and Marseilles; some batteries of the Emperor's new cannon, of which such marvels are reported, were placed ready for the field in the same arsenals; floating batteries on a new model were ordered to be constructed; transports were largely contracted for; the spare troops were ordered home from Algeria, and the men-ofwar were summoned to return from all quarters of the sea. Sardinia had been long engaged in similar preparations. And, to add to the fast-increasing disquietude, it was suddenly announced that a matrimonial alliance between the French and Sardinian Courts was about to be formed,

by the marriage of Prince Napoleon to the eldest daughter of King Victor Emmanuel. Hardly was the union announced ere it was consummated. The contracting parties were quite unknown to each other; yet so hurriedly was the affair carried through, that the Prince, who arrived in Turin on one Sunday, left it on the Sunday following with the young Princess as his wife. And on embarking at Genoa, Prince Napoleon assured the authorities who waited to pay their homage, that, "in evil fortune or in good, the two nations were now allied as well as the dynasties." Meanwhile General Niel, the first military engineer of France, and who had accompanied Prince Napoleon, paid visits of inspection to Alessandria and other Sardinian strong places, manifestly with a view to help with his advice the Sardinian generals, as well as be able to report precisely to his Imperial master as to the military resources of the Court of Turin. Very express rumours at the same time began to circulate, to the effect that a treaty had been concluded between France and Sardinia, the contents of which had, by these Powers, been communicated to, and approved of by Russia. "On the next day but one to that on which Prince Napoleon had his first interview with the Princess Clotilde," says the Independance Belge (a journal especially well informed in Russian diplomacy), "a secret treaty was signed by M. de Cavour, Minister for Foreign Affairs in Sardinia, on the one hand, and by General Niel, on behalf of the Emperor Napoleon, on the other." A statement which, we believe, will be found to be correct. Austria, of course, by this time had taken the alarm. She also was now busy with warlike preparations, hurrying fresh troops into Italy, reinforcing the garrisons of Ancona and other menaced points-erecting defences for the seaward front of Venice-placing troops in all her seaports of Istria-and summoning her few ships of war to return immediately to the Adriatic, in evident anticipation of being attacked in that quarter by the French fleet. She also came into the money market to raise a loan of £6,000,000, while

Sardinia was known to be about to adopt a similar course with a view to providing herself with the sinews of war.

Such was the aspect of affairs when the British Parliament opened on the 3d of February. A crisis so serious was too delicate a matter to be handled by the movers and seconders of the Address in either House; but no sooner was this comparatively routine portion of the proceedings gone through, than the chiefs of the Opposition rose to require from the Government information as to the exact position of affairs, and as to the line of policy which they were pursuing in regard to it. The subject is a momentous one-the question is only at its beginning, and it is important to note the views expressed on this occasion by the parliamentary leaders. Earl Granville, who introduced the subject, began by describing the state of Italy. "Your lordships," he said, "are all aware of the kind of government that exists in Naples. But with regard to that kingdom the case presents no complication; because it depends solely on a change of opinion in the ruler, who may yet call to his counsels some wise and influential minister, or may, in the natural course of events, be succeeded by his son, when it is quite possible that that which is now a bad government may be converted into a good one. With respect to Central Italy the question is very different. I have lately come from the capital of the Papal States, and... it is undoubtedly the fact that the entire lay population of these States are, almost to a man, hostile to the polity underwhich they now live." Coming to Lombardo-Venetian provinces of Austria, he said that the evils of a rigorous rule which they experienced were "common to the majority of the Continental nations;" that some of the evils complained of by the Lombards were, "he would not say sentimental, but hardly of a very practical nature;" and that "their internal government is certainly better cared for than that of any part of Southern Italy. But," he continued, "it is not for us to discuss whether Lombardy might or might not be better governed;" for "these provinces belong to Austria under treaties

tration of the Papal States." Turning next to Sardinia, "that small but heroic State, which has hitherto been a bright spot among the surrounding gloom," he said, that "the policy which ought clearly to have been pursued by such a State, was to busy itself with internal improvements,— not to maintain an army disproportionate to its finances and ruinous to its credit, not to trust to the efforts of its army, however valiant, but to rely on the sympathies of the world at large, and on the faith of the treaties which secure its dominions-treaties precisely the same as those under which Austria holds her Italian provinces. . . . It is therefore in a spirit of the sincerest friendship for Sardinia, that we look with anxiety upon the

attitude which of late she disappears posed to take, an attitude inconsistent alike with her interests, with her duty to society at large, and with the maintenance of that sympathy and regard which her previous conduct has obtained for her throughout the civilised world. This advice and those opinions, not once, but over and over again, have we pressed on Sardinia." Finally, coming to that most delicate and most momentous part of his subject the policy of France, -he said there was a great dan ger," for Sardinia evidently looked to France for support in her aggressive policy. To meet this danger, said Lord Derby, "we have represented to the Emperor of the French, in friendly and earnest terms, the importance of exercising the utmost forbearance in any differences he may have with Austria,—and, above all, of abstaining from holding out the idea to Sardinia that any assistance would proceed from France in case of an aggressive and unprovoked war with Austria; and we have received assurances that, so long as Austria confines herself to her own limits, Sardinia must not expect from France any assistance in an aggressive war.' Having thus reviewed the field of troubles, the noble Premier concluded his admirable speech by giving not only the "clear statement of their past policy," which Lord Granville had required from the Government, but also by announcing with equal clearness and frankness the spirit in

VOL. LXXXV.—NO. DXXI.

which he was prepared to meet the future course of events. He said :

"I do earnestly trust that the Emperor of the French will still persist in that wise and prudent and loyal course which he has hitherto pursued. But if, unfortunately, the Emperor should depart from such a course, and should induce the people of Europe to believe that those sentiments were altered, and that the new Empire is again returning to the lust of universal dominion--if Europe should have any reason to suspect that he has any design of placing on different thrones in Italy subordinate sovereigns connected with himself by alliance, and of thereby reproducing that dangerous system, the introduction of which ultimately led to the fall of the great Napoleon, he will shake the confidence of Europe in the intentions and dispositions of France, and, by awakening suspicion from without, he will destroy credit at home.... And if, notwithstanding the

friendly efforts of this Government made dinia, war should ultimately be the rein respect to France, Austria, and Sarsult, it would be a satisfaction to the Government, though a melancholy one, that they had done all in their power by friendly remonstrances to prevent so formidable a calamity; and such is their position, that they are bound by no secret obligations, treaties, or understandings, but are perfectly ready to take in any contingency the course which their duty and the honour of this country might appear to require."

We do not wonder that so admirable an exposition of policy-a policy at once steady, untrammelled, and most conducive to peace should have met with nothing but approval and support. Earl Grey, captious as he is apt at times to be, expressed his entire concurrence in the Ministerial policy; and the veteran Lord Brougham refused to keep silence lest his silence might possibly be misconstrued by his friends across the Channel. Forty years have nearly passed since, in the prime of manhood, he launched the thunders of his impassioned oratory against the Holy Alliance, for interfering to put down popular movements in Spain and other countries; and it behoved him, he said, to come forward again now, when a similar unlawful intervention, though on a different pretext, seemed about to be perpetrated. If any voice of reason

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could weigh with the Court of Turin, assuredly it would be the language of this veteran champion of liberty, who, despite all his sympathies with freedom, felt bound to condemn the conduct of Sardinia in pretending to come forward as the disinterested champion of Italian freedom, when her real motive was her own aggrandisement. In the Lower House the unanimity, and concurrence in the policy of Ministers, were equally marked. Austria," said Lord Palmerston, "possesses her Italian provinces by virtue of that general treaty of 1815, which is the titledeed of many other territories in Europe possessed by other Powers. That treaty was the great settlement of Europe;... and I humbly submit that no Power could justly violate that treaty by attempting, without reason or cause, to dispossess Austria of that which the treaty gives her. Treaties ought to be respected. If any theoretical preference were to set aside the stipulations in any treaty, all the affairs of Europe would be at sea, and it would be impossible to tell the conclusion to which such a principle would lead." Lord John Russell-we presume for the sake of making a distinction between himself and the rival leader of the Opposition-did not enunciate his views with the frank explicitness of the ex-Premier; but if he did not join in the general express approval of the policy of the Government, he at least did not on any point take exception to it.

Never, on the eve of probable war, did greater unanimity pervade the councils of the British Parliament. And it is well it was so. The British Government had been pressing most urgently upon France and Sardinia the unjustifiable nature of the aggressive policy they appeared resolved to engage in; and these two Powers, in reply, (as may be inferred from what has since transpired), had tried every means to persuade the British Government to countenance their designs, by representing that, as England had always hitherto been foremost in sympathy for the Italians, she could not now draw back and object when a blow was really about to be struck on behalf of Italian independence. Because England has always done her

best for the Italians within the limits of treaties, she was now asked to interfere on their behalf in defiance of treaties! Because England would be happy to see the Italians peacefully established as their own masters, it was now demanded of her that she should be equally satisfied by a course of events which would rupture the peace of Europe, and merely give Italy a new master instead of the old one! On accepting the crown, Napoleon III. proclaimed to Europe (in his address to the French Senate and Legislative Corps) “that he did not make his reign date from 1815, and that he accepted all which history for the last fifty years transmits to us with its inflexible authority." Again, when taking arms against Russia, it was to existing treaties that Napoleon III. appealed, and it was as illegal aggression that he denounced the intervention of the Czar in Turkey. Again, in 1856, it was as the upholder of treaties that he took so strong, indeed tyrannical, a part against the Swiss Government in the affair of Neufchatel - siding with the King of Prussia in entire opposition to the liberties and desires of the Neufchatelese. Now, from motives which we shall by-and-by explain, the French Emperor wishes to take a precisely opposite course. What he has repeatedly condemned in others, he now wishes to be allowed to do himself. The illegal intervention which he refused to Russia with respect to Turkey, he longs to perpetrate himself with respect to Italy. In those circumstances it was surely well that the British Government refused to be cajoled into approval of any kind, and that the British Parliament, supporting the steady and honest policy of Ministers, should have unanimously proclaimed through its chiefs that "Treaties must be respected."

What was the reply from the other side of the Channel? The Emperor of the French had long been apprised of the deliberate disapproval with which the British Government would regard a French intervention in Italy; yet on the very day that Parliament thus opened in London, a pamphlet was issued in Paris, partly from the pen and expressly with the sanction