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some time, but not long, after the expulsion of the Cuthite shep. herds. The first of these inferences is further confirmed by the very language of Pharaoh on this occasion—" He said unto Joseph, I am Pharaoh ; and without thee shall no man lift up his hand or foot in all the land of Egypt * ;' which surely supposes, that this monarch had an absolute and undivided sovereignty over the whole country.

"We learn from Manetho, that the Cuthite shepherds were succeeded in Egypt by another race of shepherds : and he distinguishes them by the title of Captivest; under which we easily recognise the descendents of Jacob who were enslaved in Egypt. They were allotted the land of Goshen for their residence ; and “ it seems pretty certain,” says Mr. Bryant," from the tenor of Scripture, that they came into a vacant unoccupied district. And, as it was the best of the land, there is no accounting for its being unoccupied, but by the secession of the Cuseans, whose property it had lately been. Joseph, when he instructs his brethren what answer they were to give to Pharaoh, when he should inquire about their occupation, lays this injunction upon them: “Ye shall say, Thy servants' trade hath been about cattle, from our youth even until now, both we and also our fathers : that ye may dwell in the land of Goshen ; for every shepherd is an abomination unto the Egyptians.' From whence Le Clerc very justly collects, that this land must have been in possession of shepherds or herdsmen before. Qui enim colligere potuisset Josephus fratribus, arte editâ, eum tractum in colendum concessum iri, nisi, &c. The inference he makes ie good, that there must have been shepherds in those parts before ; otherwise Joseph could not have foreseen that, upon telling their occupation, this land would necessarily be given to his brethren 1.".

i Upon the whole, therefore, it appears that the time of this gene. ral dearth could not have been long after the Cuthites had been obli. ged to abandon the country; that is, in all probability, not many years after the Erechtheidæ had possessed themselves of Attica. And if there be any truth at all in that part of the list of Athenian monarchs, where Erechtheus is introduced, it will amply confirm the justice of the foregoing conclusion; for it was in the reign of this king that the famine took place. But the date assigned to this event is one thousand seven hundred and eight years before Christ ; and perhaps the settlement of the Erechtheidæ at Athens might have been fifteen or twenty years earlier.' P. 286.

6* Genesis, chap. xli. ver. 44.'

6Manetha, as quoted by Josephus, says that they kept possession of Egypt five lundred and eleven years. Joseph. contra Appion. lib. i. sec. 14. This writer, however, seems to have confounded the Israëlitish with the Arabian shepherds. He first mentions the reigns of the shepherd kings, whom he styles Hyesos, and afterwards introduces another race of shepherds, whom he erroneously calls the descendents of the former, and distinguishes by the naine of Captives. The amount of the reigns of the shepherd kings is stated to be two hundred and fifty-nine years and ten months. This, however, was not the whole time of the residence of these shepherds in Egypt; it was only the time during which they were under a race of kings. I apprehend that the total period may be rated at two hundred and eighty years, or a little more.'

• Observations upon Ancient Egypt, page 159,

and it betrays the patria mention of erved to

There is certainly some undue latitude of interpretation here assumed in translating try o&ornia the Genius of the country; and it betrays too much attachment to system to apply it, so translated, to the patriarch Joseph. We have also to observe that Manetho makes no mention of CUTHITE shepherds in any part of his fragments that are preserved to us by Josephus. He says precisely,” In the reign of Timaüs, the Deity blasted us with his anger, and suddenly an obscure race of men (70 yavos atnuo) invaded us from the East, who, confiding in their courage, fixed themselves in our country, and seised it boldiy without the risk of a battle (ě zaws xal ajaxy To Try xwexy Einoy)'... * These people,' continues he,' were called Yksos or Uksos ('rztes), that is shepherd-kings; for yé or uk significs a king in the sacred language, and sos a shepherd or shepherds in our vernacular tongue; and thus is the compound yksos (uksos) derived*.' Josephus, who gives us this information, tells us shortly afterwards that in another copy he found the term uk signifying not royal, but captive; and, consequently, uksos not shepherd-kings, but captive-shepherds. And we cannot avoid noticing therefore, even in this instance, a powerful propensity in our author to bend, perhaps unwarrantably, all the different significations of this term to his favorite hypothesis. If the yksos (or uksos) mean, in his view of the word, shepherd-kings, let him uniformly retain this interpretation; if, on the contrary, he prefer the translation of captives or captive-shepherds, let him as punctually adhere to this latter sense : but he has certainly no authority, either from Manetho or Josephus, to use the former meaning, when he wishes to accommodate it to his Cushite shepherds, who are nevertheless probably the conquerors of Egypt here referred to, and the latter meaning when he would have it express the Israëlites, who we know were captives in the land. We believe the former to be the more accurate interpretation; and we find the Chaldæan shepherds in Eusebius entitled ("Txxdows) Ukkousos, perhaps UkChusust, a word of nearly similar letters, and obviously from the same origin as (üroos) uksos, and to which he attaches the idea of royalty; a circumstance that will obviously tend to corroborate the opinion of Mr. Allwood, that although they are not expressed by name, Manetho, in his account of the conquerors of Egypt, referred to the Cushite shepherds, who were certainly Uk-Chusæi (royal shepherds, and of the same country,

To the same radical Mr. Bryant indeed, very ingeniously, at- . tributes the Latin term lux, light. The sun, says he, was de

* Joseph contra Appion. I. i. . + Εκαλειτο δε το συμπαν αυτων εθνος Υκκεσως τυτο δε εστι βασιλεις ποιμενες το γαρ 'Ty xx0' iepaz ya doruy, R17!1sQ G9/421985.' Præp. Evang. lib. x, c. 13.

nominated by the Babylonians El-Uc (God the Sun, the divine Sun), which the Greeks changed to (Auxos) Lukos ; whence the Latin lux. Had these gentlemen pursued the etymology into the Arabic and Persian languages, we think they would have found this common element exemplified more decisively still. In the Arabic the sky is denominated Feluk, i.e. Ph-el-uk (the breath or effluence of the radiant God, or God the Sun); and in the plural, for the skies, it changes to ( 1) Efuk, precisely similar to the Latin effluxus, efflux, or fluency—in the language of Lucretius, liquidissimus ather. Hence, among the the Persians, chukan (UU ) means an arch, a bow; and in

the following verse of Hafiz is applied to the eye-brow of his : mistress, as though it were beautiful as the arch of heaven :

اي کم تر مهم کشي از عنبر سارا چوکان

O thou whose forehead is adorned with an arched brow of

pure amber ! Hence probably the adjective sebuk-light, easy, cheerful, in opposition to gloomy, heavy, despondent. --Thus, in another gazel of the same admirable poet, the compound sebukbaran lub w ww), which is literally the bearers of light burdens, or, in the language of the Scriptures, men whose yoke is easy and whose burden light, is applied to the exalted and illustrious, to men of affluence and ease :

کجا واننر حال صا سبکباران

How can they judge of our situation who are bearers of light

burdens ? But to return to our subject :- The Egyptian historian tells us that these victorious shepherds were an obscure or ignoble race (Toyevos aoruos); and Mr. Allwood, applying this to the Titans, into which the Cushites are metamorphosed in a posterior section, observes, p. 364, How Manetho could thus term them it is difficult to conceive.' But the difficulty does not occur to us ; nor do we feel any embarrassment in referring this narration to the progeny of Chus on this account. Manetho was an Egyptian by birth, and of the sacerdotal order. The national vanity of every ancient state induced it to regard every people that surrounded it with contempt; and we have already observed that the Greeks were accustomed to denominate the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians, barbarians, at the very time when their most celebrated legislators and philosopher's were traveling among them for information,

inds he has advanceiters inform us, in Egypt, and orian, anose strangers ntry, migrate regi

To the testimony of Manetho our author might easily have added that of Zonaras, who, tracing the same line of march, informs us that all these facts (or doctrines) were imported from Chaldea into Egypt, and were thence derived to the Greeks *.' But there is a passage of Diodorus Siculus, preserved only indeed as a fragment by Photius, in which this double migration of the Cushite shepherds and the Israëlites under Moses appears to be so clearly intimated, that it may almost become decisive upon the point; and we are astonished not to find it quoted by our author, in addition to the testimonials he has advanced. In consequence of this,' says the historian, as some writers inform us, the most valorous and exalted of those strangers who were in Egypt, and were compelled to leave the country, migrated towards the coast of Greece, as also to a variety of other regions, under the command of leaders chosen for the occasion. Some of these colonies were conducted by Danaüs and Cadmus, who were the most illustrious of all the race. Besides these, however, there was afterwards a large but more ignoble people, who migrated into the province now known by the name of Judea ti'.

Upon the whole however, notwithstanding, as our readers will perceive, Mr. Allwood Inight easily have added to the testimonies he has adduced, he has here at least“ established a probability,' and confirmed, in no inconsiderable degree, the hypothesis of Mr. Bryant, whose footsteps he invariably pursues.

(To be concluded in our next.)

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ART. IX.-History of Great Britain, froin the Revolution to the

Commencement of the Year 1799. By W. Belsham. Vol. V. 4to. il. is. Boards. Robinsons. 1801.

THE events of the period recorded in this volume, from 1793 to 1799, are in the highest degree interesting ; but to place them in their just light, to give them the dignity of history, the historian should have been farther removed from the period he celebrates, and, by an accumulation of testimonies, from the memoirs, letters, and subsequent acts of the principal agents, been enabled to see into the secret springs of every action, and to trace to its cause, and its consequence, the political measures of every year. Under other circumstances, a history may be written, calculated to amuse and instruct those who have been eye witnesses of the principal facts; it may bring back, in an entertaining manner, to their mind, the speeches which they had heard in either house of parliament, or had read in detail in the papers of the day; it may serve as a book of reference, and contain useful hints for the future historian. A great part of the volume before us

* Ex Χαλδαιων γαρ λεγεται φοιτησαι ταυτα προς Αιγυπτον, κακείθεν προς Ελληνας.” V.i. p. 22.

+ Ευθυς ο ξενηλατημενων των αλλοεθνων οι επιφανεστατοι, και δραστικωτατοι συστρα» $T: TEŞ Espione av, 65 TIVES $491, E17 TOY Ednads, xai Tivas ŠTE785 TCF89, EXOVTEC a From λογές ηγεμονας» ών ήγοντο Δαναος, και Καδμος, των αλλων επιφανέστατοι. οδι πολυς de 6 PEUTICIY EIS TNI YUV manyjemny ledalar.'

is taken up with extracts from parliamentary debates; nothing · scarcely is advanced but what might be derived from the passing

documents before the public, political mcasures are animada verted upon with great spirit; and the writer loses no opportunity of showing his aversion to the late administration,

The volume opens with the debates in parliament, on the message from the king relative to the correspondence between M. Chauvelin and the minister for foreign affairs; and it is singular that this debate took place on the very day that France declared war against Great-Britain. A second debate follows on the message from the king, announcing the French declaration of war. The affairs on the continent, after some other less important debates, occupy our attention; the entrance of Dumouriez into Holland, his exploits and defection, the manifesto of the prince of Cobourg, military transactions under and total de feat of the duke of York, the operations on the Rhine, establishment of the revolutionary tribunal in France, trial and execution of the queen, the reign of terror, our captures in the East and West Indies, and the insults offered by the court of London to the neutral powers, form the principal features of the history given us of the year 1793. The year 1794, detailed in the twentieth book, opens with debates in parliament; of which the investigation of the conduct of the Scotch judges, the slave-trade, suspension of the Habeas-Corpus act, and the series of resolutions moved by the duke of Bedford and Mr. Fox, form the principal features. The brilliant successes of the French under Pichegru, the disastrous flight of the British army, the conquest of Holland by the French, their campaigns in Germany, Spain, and Italy, our conquests in the West Indies, and of Corsica, with the naval victory of lord Howe, afford ample matter for the hi storian to display his talents in recording military transactions. The fall of Robespierre, the trials in England and Scotland for high treason, lord Macartney's embassy to China, and the final partition of Poland, are among the principal remaining facts des tailed of this eventful year. The twenty-first book opens with a display of the wonderful acquisitions of France in the beginning of 1795, proceeds to the debates in parliament, then relates the military transactions, gives an ample statement of the internal affairs of France, the proceedings of the Girondists and the new constitution, with the dissolution of the Convention. The trea

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