V. QUEEN VICTORIA The coronation of the young queen is described in the Journal of C. C. F. Greville, then an official connected with the court. Greville's The coronation (which, thank God, is over) went off very 426. Extracts well. The day was fine, without heat or rain; the innumera- from ble multitude which thronged the streets, orderly and satisfied. Journal The appearance of the abbey was beautiful, particularly the (June 29, 1838) benches of the peeresses, who were blazing with diamonds. The entry of Soult was striking. He was saluted with a murmur of curiosity and applause as he passed through the nave, and nearly the same as he advanced along the choir. His appearance is that of a veteran warrior, and he walked alone, with his numerous suite following at a respectful distance, preceded. by heralds and ushers, who received him with marked attention, — more certainly than any of the other ambassadors. The queen looked very diminutive, and the effect of the procession itself was spoiled by being too crowded; there was not interval enough between the queen and the lords and others going before her. The bishop of London (Blomfield) preached a very good sermon. The different actors in the ceremonial were very imperfect in their parts, and had neglected to rehearse them. Lord John Thynne, who officiated for the dean of Westminster, told me that nobody knew what was to be done except the archbishop (who is experienced in these matters) and the duke of Wellington, and consequently there was a continual difficulty and embarrassment, and the queen never knew what she was to do next. They made her leave her chair and enter into St. Edward's Chapel before the prayers were concluded, much to the discomfiture of the archbishop. She said to John Thynne, "Pray tell me what I am to do, for they don't know"; and at the end, when the orb was put into her hand, she said to him, "What am I to do with it?" "Your Majesty is to carry it, if you please, in your hand." "Am I?" she said; "it is very heavy." The ruby ring was made for her little finger instead of the fourth, on which the rubric prescribes that it should be put. When the archbishop was to put it on, she extended the former, but he said it must be on the latter. She said it was too small, and she could not get it on. He said it was right to put it there, and, as he insisted, she yielded, but had first to take off her other rings, and then this was forced on; but it hurt her very much, and, as soon as the ceremony was over, she was obliged to bathe her finger in iced water in order to get it off. The noise and confusion were very great when the medals were thrown away by Lord Surrey, everybody scrambling with all their might and main to get them, and none more vigorously than the maids of honor. There was a great demonstration of applause when the duke of Wellington did homage. Lord Rolle, who is between eighty and ninety, fell down as he was getting up the steps of the throne. Her first impulse was to rise, and when afterward he came again to do homage she said, "May I not get up and meet him?" and then rose from the throne and advanced down one or two of the steps to prevent his coming up, an act of graciousness and kindness which made a great sensation. It is, in fact, the remarkable union of naïveté, kindness, and good nature, with propriety and dignity, which makes her so admirable and so endearing to those about her, as she certainly is. I have been repeatedly told that they are all warmly attached to her, but that all feel the impossibility of for a moment losing sight of the respect which they owe her. She never ceases to be a queen, but is always the most charming, cheerful, obliging, unaffected queen in the world. An even more personal event in the life of the queen, her engagement and marriage, followed in the next year. The following letter was written by the young queen to her uncle Leopold on the evening of the day she had proposed marriage to her cousin Albert. My dearest Uncle : This letter will, I am sure, give you pleasure, for you have always shown and taken so warm an interest in all that concerns me. My mind is quite made up, and I told Albert this morning 1839) of it. The warm affection he showed me on learning this 427. Queen gave me great pleasure. He seems perfection, and I think Victoria to Leopold, king that I have the prospect of very great happiness before me. of Belgium I love him more than I can say, and shall do everything in (from Windsor Castle, my power to render his sacrifice (for such in my opinion it is) October 15, as small as I can. He seems to have great tact, a very necessary thing in his position. These last few days have passed like a dream to me, and I am so much bewildered by it all that I hardly know how to write; but I do feel very happy. It is absolutely necessary that this determination of mine should be known to no one but yourself and to Uncle Ernest until after the meeting of parliament, as it would be considered, otherwise, neglectful on my part not to have assembled parliament at once to inform them of it. Lord Melbourne, whom I have of course consulted about The approval of the prime the whole affair, quite approves my choice, and expresses great minister satisfaction at this event, which he thinks in every way highly desirable. Lord Melbourne has acted in this business, as he has always done toward me, with the greatest kindness and affection. We also think it better, and Albert quite approves of it, that we should be married very soon after parliament meets, about the beginning of February. Pray, dearest uncle, forward these two letters to Uncle Ernest, to whom I beg you will enjoin strict secrecy, and explain these details, which I have not time to do, and to faithful Stockmar. I think you might tell Louise of it, but none of her family. I wish to keep the dear young gentleman here till the end of the next month. Ernest's sincere pleasure gives me great delight. He does so adore dearest Albert. Ever, dearest uncle, your devoted niece, V. R. VI. CHARTISM AND THE CORN LAWS The popular dissatisfaction with the results of the Reform Act is clearly expressed in the first petition of the Chartists, presented to parliament in 1838. 428. The The failure Act To the honorable the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland, in parliament assembled, the petition of the undersigned their suffering countrymen.. Humbly showeth : That we, your petitioners, dwell in a land whose merchants are noted for their enterprise, whose manufacturers are very skillful, and whose workmen are proverbial for their industry. The land itself is goodly, the soil rich, and the temperature wholesome. It is abundantly furnished with the materials of commerce and trade. It has numerous and convenient harbors. In facility of internal communication it exceeds all others. For three and twenty years we have enjoyed a profound peace. Yet with all the elements of national prosperity, and with every disposition and capacity to take advantage of them, we find ourselves overwhelmed with public and private suffering. We are bowed down under a load of taxes, which, notwithstanding, fall greatly short of the wants of our rulers. Our traders are trembling on the verge of bankruptcy; our workmen are starving. Capital brings no profit, and labor no remuneration. The home of the artificer is desolate, and the warehouse of the pawnbroker is full. The workhouse is crowded, and the manufactory is deserted. We have looked on every side; we have searched diligently in order to find out the causes of distress so sore and so long continued. We can discover none in nature or in Providence. It was the fond expectation of the friends of the people of the Reform that a remedy for the greater part, if not for the whole, of their grievances would be found in the Reform Act of 1832. They regarded that act as a wise means to a worthy end, as the machinery of an improved legislation, where the will of the masses would be at length potential. They have been bitterly and basely deceived. The fruit which looked so fair to the eye has turned to dust and ashes when gathered. The Reform Act has effected a transfer of power from one domineering faction to another, and left the people as helpless as before. Our slavery has been exchanged for an apprenticeship to liberty, which has aggravated the painful feelings of our social degradation by adding to them the sickening of still deferred hope. We come before your honorable house to tell you, with all humility, that this state of things must not be permitted to continue. Required, as we are universally, to support and obey the Universal laws, nature and reason entitle us to demand that in the suffrage making of the laws the universal voice shall be implicitly listened to. We perform the duties of freemen; we must have the privileges of freemen. Therefore we demand universal suffrage. The suffrage, to be exempt from the corruption of Secret ballot the wealthy and the violence of the powerful, must be secret. The assertion of our right necessarily involves the power of its uncontrolled exercise. We ask for the reality of a good, not for its semblance; therefore we demand the ballot. The Annual connection between the representatives and the people, to be parliaments beneficial, must be intimate. The legislative and constituent powers, for correction and for instruction, ought to be brought into frequent contact. Errors which are comparatively light when susceptible of a speedy popular remedy may produce the most disastrous effects when permitted to grow inveterate through years of compulsory endurance. To public safety, as well as public confidence, frequent elections are essential. Therefore we demand annual parliaments. With power to choose, and freedom in choosing, the range Abolition of of our choice must be unrestricted. We are compelled by property qualifications the existing laws to take for our representatives men who are incapable of appreciating our difficulties, or have little sympathy with them; merchants who have retired from trade and no longer feel its harassings; proprietors of land who are alike ignorant of its evils and its cure; lawyers by whom the notoriety of the senate is courted only as a means of obtain ing notice in the courts. The labors of a representative who Payment of is sedulous in the discharge of his duty are numerous and members burdensome. It is neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they should continue to be gratuitously rendered. We demand that in the future election of members of your honorable house, the approbation of the constituency shall be the sole |