Landing at Devonshire for the fleet to ride in, as well as to cut off the assistance from France. . . . In the beginning of October the troops marched from Nimeguen and were put on board in the Zuyder Sea, where they lay above ten days before they could get out of the Texel. Never was so great a design executed in so short a time. A transport fleet of five hundred vessels was hired in three days' time. All things, as soon as they were ordered, were got to be so quickly ready that we were amazed at the dispatch. It is true, some things were wanting, and some things had been forgot. But when the greatness of the equipage was considered, together with the secrecy with which it was to be conducted till the whole design was to be avowed, it seemed much more strange that so little was wanting, or that so few things had been forgot. . . . On the first of November we sailed out with the evening tide, but made little way that night, that so our fleet might come out and move in order. We tried next day till noon, if it was possible to sail northward, but the wind was so strong and full in the east that we could not move that way. About noon the signal was given to steer westward. This wind not only diverted us from that unhappy course, but it kept the English fleet in the river, so that it was not possible for them to come out, though they were come down as far as to the Gunfleet. By this means we had the sea open to us, with a fair wind and a safe navigation. On the third we passed between Dover and Calais, and before night came in sight of the Isle of Wight. . . . And a soft and happy gale of wind carried in the whole fleet in four hours' time into Torbay. Immediately as many landed as conveniently could. As soon as the prince and Marshal Schomberg got to shore they were furnished with such horses as the village of Broxholme could afford; and rode up to view the grounds, which they found as convenient as could be imagined for the foot in that season. It was not a cold night, otherwise the soldiers, who had been kept warm aboard, might have suffered much by it. As soon as I landed I made what haste I could to the place where the prince was, who took me heartily by the hand and asked me if I would not now believe predestination. I told him I would never forget that providence of God, which had appeared so signally on this occasion. He was cheerfuller than ordinary, yet he returned soon to his usual gravity. A careful study of the following extracts from the Bill of Rights of 1689 will do much to explain the Revolution of 1688. Whereas the said late King James II having abdicated the 332. Extracts government, and the throne being thereby vacant, his High- from the Bill of Rights ness the prince of Orange (whom it hath pleased Almighty God to make the glorious instrument of delivering this kingdom from popery and arbitrary power) did (by the advice of the lords spiritual and temporal, and diverse principal persons of the Commons) cause letters to be written to the lords spiritual and temporal, being Protestants, and other letters to the several counties, cities, universities, boroughs, and Cinque Ports, for the choosing of such persons to represent them, as were of right to be sent to parliament, to meet and sit at Westminster upon the two-and-twentieth day of January, in this year 1689, in order to such an establishment as that their religion, laws, and liberties might not again be in danger of being subverted; upon which letters elections have been accordingly made. And thereupon the said lords spiritual and temporal and Commons, pursuant to their respective letters and elections, being now assembled in a full and free representation of this nation, taking into their most serious consideration the best means for attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place (as their ancestors in like case have usually done), for the vindicating and asserting their ancient rights and liberties, declare : 1. That the pretended power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by regal authority, without consent of parliament, is illegal. 2. That the pretended power of dispensing with laws, or the execution of laws, by regal authority, as it hath been assumed and exercised of late, is illegal. 3. That the commission for erecting the late court of commissioners for ecclesiastical causes, and all other commissions and courts of like nature, are illegal and pernicious. 4. That levying money for or to the use of the crown by pretense of prerogative, without grant of parliament, for longer time or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal. 5. That it is the right of the subjects to petition the king, and all commitments and prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal. 6. That the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. 7. That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defense suitable to their conditions, and as allowed by law. 8. That election of members of parliament ought to be free. 9. That the freedom of speech, and debates or proceedings in parliament, ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of parliament. 10. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. II. That jurors ought to be duly impaneled and returned, and jurors which pass upon men in trials for high treason ought to be freeholders. 12. That all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures of particular persons before conviction are illegal and void. 13. And that for redress of all grievances, and for the amending, strengthening, and preserving of the laws, parliament ought to be held frequently. And they do claim, demand, and insist upon all and singular the premises, as their undoubted rights and liberties; and that no declarations, judgments, doings, or proceedings, to the prejudice of the people in any of the said premises, ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into consequence or example. To which demand of their rights they are particularly encouraged by the declaration of his Highness the prince of Orange, as being the only means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein. Having therefore an entire confidence that his said Highness the prince of Orange will perfect the deliverance so far advanced by him, and will still preserve them from the violation of their rights, which they have here asserted, and from all other attempts upon their religion, rights, and liberties: The said lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, as- William and sembled at Westminster, do resolve that William and Mary, Mary declared to be prince and princess of Orange, be, and be declared king and king and queen of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions queen thereunto belonging, to hold the crown and royal dignity of the said kingdoms and dominions to them the said prince and princess during their lives, and the life of the survivor of them; and that the sole and full exercise of the regal power be only in, and executed by, the said prince of Orange, in the names of the said prince and princess, during their joint lives; and after their deceases, the said crown and royal dignity of the said kingdoms and dominions to be to the heirs of the body of the said princess; and for default of such issue to the princess Anne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body; and for default of such issue to the heirs of the body of the said prince of Orange. And the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, do pray the said prince and princess to accept the same accordingly. . . . Upon which their said Majesties did accept the crown and royal dignity of the kingdoms of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, according to the resolution and desire of the said lords and commons contained in the said declaration. Religious freedom, of a partial nature, it is true, and yet sufficient to give great comfort to all Protestants who were not adherents of the established church, was now, as one of the results of the Revolution, granted by act of parliament. Thus the same liberty was obtained by legal methods as Charles II and James II had tried to introduce by the use of their prerogative. Parliament did not intend to grant the same freedom to Roman 333. The the Tolera tion Act (1689) Catholics as it had to Protestant Dissenters, and indeed a more severe act was passed by the two houses of parliament against them. But this was vetoed by the king, and as a matter of fact Catholics were allowed always afterward to hold their own services without disturbance. The following passages are from Burnet. The bill of toleration passed easily. It excused Dissenters adoption of from all penalties for their not coming to church, and for going to their separate meetings. There was an exception of Socinians; but a provision was put in in favor of Quakers; and though the rest were required to take the oaths to the government, they were excused, upon making in lieu thereof a solemn declaration. They were to take out warrants for the houses they met in, and the justices of peace were required to grant them. Some proposed that the act should only be temporary, as a necessary restraint upon the Dissenters, that they might demean themselves so as to merit the continuance of it when the term of years now offered should end. But this was rejected: there was now an universal inclination to pass the act, but it could not be expected that the nation would be in the same good disposition towards them at another time. . . Intolerance The clergy began now to show an implacable hatred to the of the clergy Non-conformists, and seemed to wish for an occasion to renew old severities against them. But wise and good men did very much applaud the quieting the nation by the toleration. It seemed to be suitable, both to the spirit of the Christian religion and to the interest of the nation. It was thought very unreasonable that while we were complaining of the cruelty of the church of Rome, we should fall into such practices among ourselves; chiefly while we were engaging in a war in the progress of which we would need the united strength of the whole nation. This bill gave the king great content. He in his own opinion always thought that conscience was God's province, and that it ought not to be imposed on; and his experience in Holland |