Imatges de pàgina
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The king confesses and

receives

absolution

322. A mock epitaph on Charles II

323. Extracts
from Foun-
tainhall's
Memoirs
(1685)

The duke of York, in presenting him, said, "Sire, here is a man who saved your life, and is now come to save your soul." The king answered, "He is welcome." He afterwards confessed himself with great sentiments of devotion and repentance. . . . He then received absolution, the communion, and even the extreme unction. All this lasted about three quarters of an hour. In the ante-chamber every one looked at another; but nobody said anything but by their eyes and in whispers. The presence of Lord Bath and Lord Feversham, who are Protestants, has satisfied the bishops a little; but the queen's women, and the other priests, saw so much going and coming that I do not think the secret can be long kept. . .

The following epitaph was written in joke early in Charles' reign by the earl of Rochester, a boon companion and minister of the king. It contains a large grain of truth. Charles is said to have laughed when he read it, but not to have been entirely pleased, and not to have treated Rochester so intimately afterwards.

Here lies a great and mighty king,
Whose promise none rely'd on;
He never said a foolish thing,

Nor ever did a wise one.

The actions of James II in the early days of his reign his open favor to Roman Catholics and his disregard of the feelings and rights of parliament and the people are shown in the following extracts from the memoirs of the Scotch ambassador Fountainhall.

The king, the Sunday immediately following his brother's death, went openly to his queen's popish chappell, and heard masse, and declared that when he was a subject he had that respect for the laws of England that he would not break them, but now as king, being above the executive force of the law, he owned his religion, which was judged ingenuity. . . .

Our king hearing how the French king had receaved Churchhill, he payes him in his oune coin, and receives Lorge sitting in his chair of state in the gallery with his hat on ; which some French resented, tho it may be meer policy, to give out that there is a misunderstanding between the two kings, to please the English. The last king admitted embassadors without any pomp or ceremony, to speak him standing in his bedchamber with his hat off.

The change upon the face of the English court is very remarkable in the last king's tyme mirth, playes, buffoonerie, etc., domineered, and was incouraged; now there is little to be seen but seriousnesse and businesse.

parliament

On the 18th of April, being the vigil before Easter, the king washed fifty-two poor men's feet, according to the number of the years of his oune age, and he touches severall for the King's Evill. He emits a new severe proclamation against duels, and certifies, whoever intices another, or brings a second with him, he will pardon none of them. . . . The king delivered to both Harsh Houses his speach... wherein he differs much from his brother's speeches of James to style, and signifies his pleasure in peremptorie termes, that it will not be their best way to feed him from tyme to tyme with supplies, for that will not prevaill with him to gather them the oftener together; then he acquaints them with Argile's rebellion in Scotland and hopes they will give him a suitable supply against the same. And they having on the 23rd of May signified to his Majesty that by ane act they would settle all the revenue of tonnage and poundage on his Majesty for his life-time... and that they would stand by him with their lives and fortunes against Argile and all other conspirators, he (without giving them thanks, as his brother used to doe), with a very dry complement, tells them, they could doe no lesse in consulting ther oune security. And in his speach of the 30th of May, he craves a farder supply; and to flatter the genius of the nation, he tells them in a style vain enough, that he hopes to raise the reputation of England beyond what any of his predecessors had done. . . .

Some ascrybed this complyance of the House of Commons with the king more to fear than love, and that he took the

race grieves when things are at the

best, laughs when they are

at the worst

true way of treating Englishmen, in King Henry the 8th's minatory forme, that as he would invade no man's properties, so he would quit none of his oune rights and prerogatives; and that he began with them as he intended to end for the The English old distich holds true, Anglica gens, optima flens, pessima ridens; with too much prosperity they turne unsupportably insolent, so that it is not safe to flatter or cajole them. For sundry of this House of Commons are disaffected, but are borne doune by the major part, who syde with the king, the elections in counties and burrows being so managed that by the limitations of the new charters given them, and excommunications and other methods used to debar such as they doubted, they got many of them to the king's oune mind; which was a point his late brother could never of late compasse, tho he had as much of his people's love as the present king has, only he was not so much feared by them. . . . If the king had ane army up, it's like he would not disband it so easily as his brother did his. . . .

Increase of the army

...

The English parliament met again on the 9th of November, 1685, by his Majestie's special call: wher the king tells them that in this late invasion [Monmouth's] ther was a great discovery of the insufficiency of the militia to suppresse risings, which had moved him to double the standing forces there had been in his brother's tyme . . . and therfor he hoped they would grant him a suitable supply to defray it; and that he Dispensations had made use of some to be officers in his army who were not qualified according to the laws (being popish), but to deal plainly with them he would nather expose nor desert them. . . .

for disobedi

ence to the Test Act

The following letters are concerned with the rebellion of the duke of Monmouth in 1685. The first two are a summons from Monmouth, signing himself as king, to one of the commanders in the field against him, and the reply to it; the next is a letter of appeal for mercy by Monmouth after his defeat and capture, and the last a rather cold-blooded statement from King James to the prince of Orange, concerning the behavior of his half-brother.

My lord:

324. The

Monmouth,

the duke of

Whereas we are credibly informed that there are some horse duke of and foot in arms under your command for James, duke of York, claiming to which are purposely raised in opposition to us and our royal be king, to authority we thought fit to signify to you our resentment Albemarle thereof, and do promise ourself that what you have transacted therein is through inadvertency and mistake; and that your Grace will take other means, when you have received information of our being proclaimed king to succeed our royal father lately deceased. We have therefore sent this messenger on purpose to intimate the same unto you; and it is our royal will and pleasure, and we do hereby strictly charge and command you, upon notice and receipt hereof, to cease all hostility and force and arms against us and all our loving subjects, and that your Grace would immediately repair to our camp where you shall not fail of a very kind reception by us. Or in default of the premises, we shall be obliged to proclaim you and all those in arms under your command rebels and traitors; and shall proceed against them and you accordingly. Yet we assure ourself that your Grace will pay ready obedience to our command; whereof we bid you heartily farewell.

JAMES R.

duke of Albemarle to

I received your letter and do not doubt but you would use 325. The me very kindly if you had me; and since you have given yourself the trouble of invitation, this is to let you know that the duke of I never was nor never will be a rebel to my lawful king, who Monmouth is James the Second, brother of my late dear master, King Charles the Second. If you think I am in the wrong, and you in the right, whenever we meet I do not doubt but the justness of my cause shall sufficiently convince you that you had better have let this rebellion alone, and not to have put the nation to so much trouble.

Sir:

ALBEMARLE.

I have received your Majesty's order this day that I am to dye to-morrow. I was in hopes, sir, by what your Majesty said to me yesterday, of taking care of my soul, that I should have

326. The

duke of Monmouth to King James II

prince of

had some little more time; for truly sir, this is very short. I do beg of your Majesty, if it be possible, to let me have one day more, that I may go out of the world as a Christian ought. I had desired several times to speak with my lord Arundel of Wardour, which I do desire still. I hope your Majesty will grant it me; and I do beg of your Majesty to let me know by him if there is nothing in this world that can recal your sentence, or at least reprieve me for some time. I was in hopes I should have lived to have served you, which I think I could have done to a great degree; but your Majesty does not think it fit. Therefore, sir, I shall end my days with being satisfied that I had all the good intentions imaginable for it, and should have done it, being that I am your Majesty's most dutiful

MONMOUTH.

I hope your Majesty will give Doctor Tennison leave to come to me or any other that your Majesty will be pleased to grant me.

327. King I have had yours of the 17th and now the duke of MonJames to the mouth is brought up hither with Lord Grey and the BrandenOrange burgher. The two first desired very earnestly to speak with me, (Whitehall, as having things of importance to say to me, which they did, July 14, 1685) but did not answer my expectation in what they said to me.

328. An assertion of the divine

right of

kings (1681)

The duke of Monmouth seemed more concerned and desirous to live, and did behave himself not so well as I expected, nor so as one ought to have expected from one who had taken upon him to be king. I have signed the warrant for his execution to-morrow.

The old doctrine of the superiority of the king to the law still survived, as indicated by the following words written just before this time by Dr. Humphrey Gower, vice chancellor of the University of Cambridge.

We still believe and maintain that our kings derive not their titles from the people, but from God; that to him only they are accountable; that it belongs not to subjects either to create or censure, but to honor and obey, their sovereign,

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