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times, long before the foundations of our faith, the island was always without these, as it was without some other things, by a certain natural defect.

Nor does it seem to me a matter of wonder that the land should lack these reptiles, as it lacks certain fish, birds, and animals. But what does seem strange is that it cannot and never could retain anything poisonous when brought thither. For we read in the ancient writings of the saints of that country, that sometimes, for the sake of experiment, reptiles were brought thither in brass jars, but as soon as they had passed the middle of the Irish Sea they were found lifeless and dead. . . .

To so great a degree is this land antagonistic to poison that if gardens or other places in other countries are sprinkled with its soil, this drives all poisonous reptiles completely away from them.

Among the contemporary accounts of the conquest of Ireland is a long narrative poem in French, from which the following is taken, in the form of a modern translation. The poem is commonly known as The Story of Dermot and the Earl.

When Henry II had been acknowledged as lord by all the barons who had come over from England before him, he proceeded to make grants to them of the land they had conquered in Ireland, to be held from him on feudal tenure.

To Hugh de Lacy he granted

All Meath in fee;

Meath the king granted

For fifty knights,

Whose service the baron should let him have,

Whenever he should have need of it.

To one John he granted Ulster,

If he could conquer it by force:
John de Courcy was his name,

Who afterwards suffered many a trouble there.

Just as the king made these great grants to his nobles, so Earl Richard, Hugh de Lacy, John de Courcy, and

102. Grants of King Henry to the English conquerors in Ireland

Sub-infeuda

tions to Eng

lish nobles

and knights

The chiefs of

the Irish clans

the other great barons granted parts of their dominions to lesser nobles for feudal services to themselves.

To Maurice de Prendergast

The valiant earl Richard

Had already given Fernegenal,

And in his council confirmed it,
Before the renowned earl

Had landed in Ireland;

Ten fiefs he gave him on this condition,
For the service of ten knights.

Carbery he gave to the good Meiler,
Who was such a noble lord.
The earl Richard next gave
To Maurice the son of Gerald,
The Naas the good earl gave

To the son of Gerald, with all the honor:

This is the land of Offelan

Which belonged to the traitor MacKelan.
He gave him, too, Wicklow,

Between Bray and Arklow :

[The Irish chieftains, although many of them had given their allegiance to King Henry, were not inclined to allow their whole land to be divided among English-Norman overlords without a struggle. When Hugh de Lacy built and fortified a dwelling house at Trim in Connaught, and began to rule the surrounding country as an English feudal noble did at home, the king of Connaught called out the heads of the tribes, and they led their followers in one of those wild efforts to drive out the invaders that continued to take place from time to time for more than five hundred years.]

All at once O'Connor,

The proud king of Connaught,
Led with him O'Flaherty,
Mac Dermot and MacGeraghty,
O'Kelly, king of Hy Many,

O'Hart and O'Finaghty,
O'Carbery and O'Flanagan,
And then next O'Monaghan,
O'Dowd and O'Monaghan,
O'Shaughnessy of Poltilethban;
King Melaghlin went also,
And his neighbor king O'Rourke,
O'Malory of the Kinel O'Neill,
And likewise MacDunlevy ;
King O'Carroll went also,

And MacTierney, who was so base,
MacScelling and MacArtan,

And the rebel MacGaraghan;
MacKelan likewise

Went with all his men ;

O'Neill, the king of Kinel Owen,

Brought with him three thousand Irish.
The Northerners were assembled,
And all the kings of Leath-Cuinn,
Towards Trim they set out marching
To demolish the castle.

IV. RICHARD I AND THE THIRD CRUSADE

The guilt of rebellion of Henry's sons, and their responsibility for his death, is well expressed in this instance of the familiar belief that the body of a murdered man will bleed when his murderer approaches.

Henry, king of England, died in the year of our Lord 1189, in the month of July, on the sixth day, in the octave of the apostles Peter and Paul, the nineteenth day of the moon, on the fifth day of the week, at Chinon, and he was buried at Fontevrault, in the abbey of the monks serving God there. On the day after his death, when he was carried to his burial, clothed in his royal apparel, wearing a gold crown on his head, and having gloves on his hands and a gold ring on his finger,

03. Scene at

the burial of Henry II

104. A contemporary description of Richard Cœur de

Lion

a scepter in his hand, shoes embroidered in gold upon his feet, and girded with his sword, he lay with his face uncovered. When this was told to Count Richard, his son, he came hastening to meet him. But as he stood bending over him, immediately blood ran from the nostrils of the dead king, as if his spirit was indignant at his coming. Then the aforesaid count, weeping and moaning, proceeded with the corpse of his father to Fontevrault, and there caused it to be buried.

The admiration for the person and character of Richard, which has lasted, however undeserved, through all subsequent times, began in his own lifetime, and is reflected by all his early biographers; for example, in the following extract from the contemporary account known as the Itinerary of King Richard.

The Lord of the ages had given him such generosity of soul and endued him with such virtues that he seemed rather to belong to earlier times than these. . . . His was the valor of Hector, the magnanimity of Achilles; he was no whit inferior to Alexander, or less than Roland in manhood. Of a truth he easily surpassed the more praiseworthy characters of our time in many ways. His right hand, like that of a second Titus, scattered riches. Moreover-a thing that is, as a rule, but very rarely found in so famous a knight — the tongue of a Nestor and the prudence of a Ulysses (as they well might) rendered him better than other men in all kinds of business, whether eloquence or action was required. His military knowledge did not slacken his inclination for vigorous action; nor did his readiness for action ever throw a doubt upon his military prudence. If any one chances to think him open to the charge of rashness, the answer is simple; for, in this respect, a mind that does not know how to submit itself, a mind impatient of injury, urged on by its inborn high spirit to demand its lawful rights, may well claim excuse. Success made him all the better suited for accomplishing exploits, since fortune helps the brave. And though fortune wreaks her spleen on whomsoever she pleases, yet he was not to be drowned, for all her adverse waves.

He was lofty in stature, of a shapely build, with hair halfway between red and yellow. His limbs were straight and flexible, his arms somewhat long, and for this very reason better fitted than those of most folk to draw or wield the sword. Moreover he had long legs, matching the character of his whole frame. His features showed the ruler, while his manners and his bearing added not a little to his general presence.

So much of Richard's career gathers around the Third Crusade that the remaining selections are drawn from that episode in his life.

the crusade

Meanwhile the king of England set out for Gascony, and, 105. Richard besieging William de Chisi's castle, took it. William himself, prepares for the lord of the castle, he hanged, because he had robbed the pilgrims to St. James [of Campostella] and other folk passing through his land. Then came the king of England to Chinon, in Anjou, where he appointed Gerard, archbishop of Auch, Bernard, bishop of Bayonne, Robert de Sablun, Richard de Camville, and William de Forz of Oleron leaders and constables of his whole fleet that was about to set sail for the land of Syria. And he gave them his charter as follows:

sading fleet

Richard, by the grace of God king of England, duke of Regulations Normandy and Aquitaine, and count of Anjou, to all his men who are about to journey to Jerusalem by sea, greeting. Know that with the common counsel of approved men we have had the following regulations drawn up. Whoever on board ship shall slay another is himself to be cast into the sea, lashed to the dead man; if he have slain him ashore, he is to be buried in the same way. If any one be proved by worthy witnesses to have drawn a knife for the purpose of striking another, or to have wounded another so as to draw blood, let him lose his hand; but if he strike another with his hand and draw no blood, let him be dipped three times in the sea. If any one cast any reproach or bad word against another, or invoke God's curse on him, let him for every offense pay an ounce of silver. Let a convicted thief be shorn like a hired champion; after which let boiling pitch be poured on his head and a feather pillow

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