the little light cuirass which always covered and defended my bosom, pointed to it, at the same time making as low, and as feminine a courtesy as I could possibly manufacture upon so short a notice. The effect was instantaneous, but rather different from what I expected; for, whether it was owing to the oddity of my appearance, or my courtesy, or both, I cannot exactly say, but my fair protégée instantly lowered her pistols, and burst out into the most ungovernable fit of laughter I think I ever heard in my life. In a moment I joined in the mirth; and it was so real and so hearty, that the wounded colonel called out to his daughter, to know what in Heaven's name was the matter. Her laughter ceased in an instant; but before she replied to his question, she flew to me, clasped me in her fair arms, and covered my dusky cheeks with her kisses-bless her sweet, soft lips! I do not know that ever I felt a happier moment in my life than this, in which a lady, so superior in every thing, deigned to consider and caress the poor, dirty, dusty Wanderer, as an equal and a sister. While the fair English girl explained matters to her father, I went down and released the servants, to whom I related in part what had happened, and after well barricading the doors and windows we proceeded to hold counsel as to what was next to be done. The wounded colonel thanked me in the most earnest terms for my conduct, but seemed exceedingly alarmed for his daughter in the prospect of the promised visit of to-morrow. To remove him was impossible, both from the state of his wounds, and the absence of all means-horses, asses, and all their appurtenances having been abstracted by our friendsthere was, therefore, no question of flight, and at last I suggested an idea which received the approbation of all. This was, that the colonel should make application to the general commanding this division, and whose quarters were in the town, to grant a safeguard for himself and his family, which, in the present disposition of our Emperor I had good reason to think would not be refused. I was quite right: in a few hours the safeguard was granted, and accompanied by many apologies for the alarm and injury the family had suffered. I returned happy to my quarters, laden with the good wishes of my new friends, and a solid expression of their gratitude, in the shape of a bill for a hundred pounds sterling, which the good colonel gave me "to keep me in breeches," as he said, "seeing that I wore them with more honour than many of their natural owners.' I satisfied my comrades that the safeguard had been procured by the intendant of the family, who was absent on that service during the attack and sack of the house; and, that I had been dismissed in consequence with civility, but without being as happy as I might have been. As I had exacted secrecy from my new friends, I ran no risk of their ever discovering the share I had in the business: and thus ended the only marriage from which I ever derived any satisfaction. (To be continued.) SHAKSPEARE'S HISTORICAL PLAYS CONSIDERED BY THE RIGHT HON. T. P. COURTENAY. THIS play opens with the Yorkists+ breaking into the parliamenthouse, and each chief boasting (how inaccurately I have already shown. in the case of York's children) of his prowess in the battle of St. Alban's. At the suggestion of Warwick the duke takes possession of the regal throne. Henry enters with his followers, to whose vows of revenge he appeals, but presently retires into "frowns, words, and threats." He then alternately boasts of the superiority of his title, and acknowledges its weakness:: And when he endeavours to satisfy his conscience, that Henry IV. was lawful king, as the adopted heir of Richard II., Exeter turns against him, and gives an opinion in favour of York. Warwick then summons the soldiers who were without. York bargains with the king. "Confirm the crown to me, and to mine heirs, And thou shalt reign in quiet whilst thou liv'st. K. Hen. I am content. Richard Plantagenet, Here we have an anticipation of five years. This compromise was made in 1460, after an interval full of important events, which I must briefly relate; though I am quite aware that not even a play in three parts could, with any regard either to theatrical propriety, or human patience, dramatize the whole of them. After the battle of St. Alban's the parliament met,§ in which that occurrence was treated as an affray occasioned by the treason of Somerset, who had kept back the letters which the complainants had addressed to the king. York and his friends were solemnly acquitted of disloyalty.|| Before the next session** the king suffered a relapse, and York was Continued from No. ccxvi., p. 514. + Duke of York, his sons Edward and Richard, Norfolk, Montagu, Warwick, and others. Among these the only new character is Montagu. This was John Nevill, third son of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury (ccxvi. 494) and younger brother to Warwick. But he had not, at this time, received his first title of peerage, and was not created Marquis until 1470, fifteen years later. Nicolas, ii. 434. John, Lord Clifford, and Henry, Earl of Northumberland, whose fathers were killed at St. Alban's; Ralph, second Earl of Westmoreland; John Holland, Duke of Exeter (ccxv.391). Westm. May 26, 1455. Parl. Hist., i, 396. Hol., 242. Rolls, v. 278. Lingard, v. 150. ** Parl. Hist., 398; Rolls, 284. appointed to open the parliament as his lieutenant. He was afterwards appointed protector, when he gave to Salisbury the great seal, and to Warwick the government of Calais. On the recovery of Henry, York relinquished the protectorate, and Salisbury the great seal. * About two years after the battle, parliament began to exhibit a feeling of discontent at the ambitious practices of York, who, be it nevertheless observed, had not even now put forward his claim to the crown complaints against him came principally from the lords whose fathers were killed at St. Alban's; and Buckingham, on the part of the peers, besought the king that such conduct as that of the duke might not go unpunished.+ York once more swore fealty, and engaged, with the rest, that all differences should be arbitrated by the sovereign ;—a tacit condemnation of his taking redress into his own hands at St. Alban's. In June, 1458, the two parties met in and near London, and Henry pronounced an award, the principal article of which appears to have been, that "a chantry should be erected at the expense of York, Salisbury, and Warwick, for the souls of the three lords (Somerset, Clifford, and Northumberland) who were slain at St. Alban's.§ This award, however, as might have been expected, was not effectual in contenting either party, and preparation appears to have been made throughout 1459 for a contest, the causes and objects of which were still, however, not very definite. The court, we are told, distributed “white swans,¶ the badge of Prince Edward" (for we hear nothing of the red and white roses). Salisbury and York were preparing to unite their forces on the borders of Wales, when the former was met at Bloreheath** by Lord Audley,++ at the head of a royalist force, which was defeated or successfully repulsed, and Salisbury pursued his march. But a large royal army, under the king in person, was assembled at Worcester, which approached the camp of the Yorkists, offers of conciliation were made to the duke, and rejected. York was now deserted by some of his followers, and retired into Ireland; his friends and sons being elsewhere dispersed. A parliament met at Coventry,§§ in which York and his adherents were attainted by that act of parliament which we have already cited. The Duke of Exeter was now appointed to supersede Warwick in the command of the fleet, and Somerset to replace him in the government of Calais; but Warwick successfully resisted his entrance into the port. After this act of rebellion, Warwick joined York in Dublin,|||| and concerted further measures. The result was the landing of Warwick in Kent. His army increased as he marched, being joined even by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Articles were circulated, complaining of the mismanagement of the king's household, the oppression of the people by taxes, the murderous designs entertained against York, Salisbury, and Warwick, and especially the extreme enmity of Shrewsbury, * Feb. 25, 1556, Rolls, 421'; Hol., 243. + Lingard, 342; but this is all from the Lancastrian recital. See last number, p.512. Leland, ii. 496. Wheth., 418. § Ib., 418. || lb., 454; Cont. Croyl., 529. ¶ Lingard, 155; but whence? tt James Touchet, fifth Lord. §§ Nov. 20, 1459. Parl. Hist., 401; Wiltshire, and Beaumont.* The insurgents marched through London, and met the royal army at Northampton,+ where an action of no long duration, in which Buckingham, Shrewsbury, and many other considerable persons were killed, put Warwick in possession of the king's person. A parliament was called at Westminster,§ which repealed all the acts passed at Coventry against the Yorkists. To this parliament York repaired, with a retinue of five hundred horsemen, and then occurred the incident from which, as I apprehend, Shakspeare took that of the occupation of the chair of state, in the first scene of this play. || For the duke entered the parliament-house, and stood for some time, with his hand upon the throne. Nobody, however, invited him to as cend; but, when he withdrew, he occupied the royal apartments in the palace of Westminster. He then delivered to the chancellor a written claim to the crown, as the lineal descendant of Lionel, son of Edward III. The story is thus told by Holinshed: "He came to the city of London, which he entered the Friday before the feast of Edward the Confessor, with a sword borne naked before him, with trumpets also sounding and accompanied with a great train of men-at-arms, and other of his friends and servants. At his coming to Westminster, he entered the palace; and, passing forth directly through the great hall, staid not till he came to the chamber where the king and lords used to sit in the parlia ment-time, commonly called the upper house, or chamber of the peers; and, being there entered, stept up unto the throne royal, and there laying his hand upon the cloth of state, seemed as if he meant to take possession of that which was his right, (for he held his hand so upon that cloth a good pretty while,) and, after withdrawing his hand, turned his face towards the people, beholding their pressing together, and marking what countenance they made. Whilst he then stood and beheld the people, supposing they rejoiced to see his presence, the Archbishop of Canterbury (Thomas Bourchier) came to him, and, after due salutations, asked him if he would come and see the king, with which demand he, seeming to take disdain, answered briefly and in few words, thus: 'I remember not that I know any within this realm, but that it beseemeth him rather to come and see my person, than I go and see his.'. . . The duke went to the most principal lodging that the king had within all his palace, breaking up the locks and doors, and so lodged himself therein, more like a king than a duke."¶ After many objections, and an assertion from Henry of his right, unaccompanied by the manful defiance which Shakspeare puts into his mouth; the compromise was proposed and accepted as in the play. I know not upon what authority Exeter is selected as foremost in acknowledging the right of the Duke of York; for he is named by Holinshed, among the lords who, with Queen Margaret at their head, refused to acknowledge the new settlement of the crown, and assembled their forces in order to defeat it.** And a more ancient authority tells us, that he absented himself, with Somerset, Northumberland, and Devon, from the meeting in which the Yorkists obtained this advantage; ++ and he fought under the queen, as we shall see presently.‡‡ The play, after correctly representing the hostile protest of the chiefs of the Lancastrian party, brings forward Edward and Richard, the two * Lingard, 158, from Stow, 407; but where did Stow find them? James Butler, so created. Beaumont, Jobn, first Viscount. † July 20, 1460. Wheth., 479; Hol., 260. Rolls, v. 373. ** Hol., 268. Wiltshire was John, eldest son of the famous Talbot. Wheth., 484; W. Wyrc., 483. ¶ Hol., 261. tt W. Wyrc., 483. #It is said (Banks, iii, 290), that he married Anne, the daughter of York; but as he was divorced from her (I know not when or why), there was probably no close attachment to her family. sons of York, lamenting their father's concession of his rights during Henry's life, and calling upon him to disregard his oath of allegiance to Henry. Edward urges him boldly to break his oath for the sake of the crown; Richard argues sophistically for the unlawfulness of the oath; and York has just been persuaded, when he is advertised of the queen's advance with twenty thousand men, to besiege him in his castle. This is the first of a series of imputations, the justice of which I shall have hereafter to examine, upon the morality of Richard, afterwards Duke of Gloucester. It is clear that the present imputation cannot be sustained, as Richard was at this time only eight years old. Edward, Earl of March, his eldest brother, was eighteen, and may therefore possibly have urged his father to hostilities. But there is no reason to believe that either Edward or his father contemplated hostilities, before the queen put herself in warlike array. In the battle of Wakefield which ensued, York was defeated, as in the play, and put to death, though there is some doubt whether he was slain in the battle or beheaded afterwards.* For the paper crown there is the authority of old writers+ as well as of Holinshed : "Some write (for he had mentioned that York was slain in battle, and his head presented to the queen upon a pole), that the duke was taken alive, and, in derision, caused to stand upon a molehill, on whose head they put a garland instead of a crown, which they had fashioned or made of sedges or bulrushes; and having so crowned him with that garland, they kneeled down before him as the Jews did unto Christ, in scorn, saying to him, Hail king without rule, hail king without heritage, hail duke and prince without people or possessions.' And at length, having thus scorned him with these and divers other the like despiteful words, they struck off his head, which (as you have heard) they presented to the queen." 6 And this latter is the story in Whethamstede, whom Shakspeare, as Ritson says, has implicitly followed. But I must say, that in amplifying the reproaches which the Lancastrians heaped upon their captive, the poet has not improved upon his original in language, while his interpolations are as contrary to chronology as to good taste. "What! was it you that would be England's king? Or, with the rest, where is your darling Rutland ?”| I do not find in Holinshed, or elsewhere, the foundation of the lines that follow: "Look, York; I stained this napkin with the blood, That valiant Clifford with his rapier's point, Made issue from the bosom of the boy: And if thine eyes can water with his death, I give thee this to dry thy cheek withal.” Lingard, 164; Hol., 269; W. Wyrcester (485) says that he was slain in battle; and so the chronicle in Leland, 498; but Whethamstede (489) says, that he was taken alive. The Croyland Cont., 530, may be construed either way. + W. Wyrc., Wheth., and Croyl. Cont, as above; but according to the first, it was the dead York that was crowned. + Bosw., 395. § George was not twelve years old. || Act i., sc. 4. |