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opinions on this subject; he distinctly called | to produce a considerable depreciation in the attention of the House to the fact; but the standard of value. The hon. Member more extended experience had had the knew as well as any one, that the effect of effect of showing him his mistake, and he such a circumstance would be to turn the left this confession of his error, which foreign exchanges against this country, and truth required him to make, to operate on that being so, the Bank must have such a his reputation as Gentlemen might think drain of gold as would have the effect of fit it should. restoring the exchanges. There was nothing but a Bank Restriction Act that could keep the exchanges permanently against this country. He believed, that the fears of the hon. Member were groundless, and that the change would be productive of the greatest advantage to this country. Instead of affording any ground for apprehension that it would produce bad effects on the circulating medium, he believed that all such evils were fully guarded against, and that it would be most desirable that the Resolution should be adopted.

Lord Althorp observed, that the change in the hon. Member's opinions had taken place since the evidence he gave before the Committee on the Bank Charter, and certainly the hon. Member had little right to find fault with his (Lord Althorp's) opinions, since those opinions had been much influenced by the suggestions of the hon. Member, as given in that evidence. The noble Lord then referred to some answers of the hon. Member, given to the Committee, to show that, in those answers, the payment of country bank-notes by Bank of England notes had been recommended. The hon. Gentleman, however, now said that, since giving that evidence, other circumstances coming to his knowledge had altered his opinions, and especially the fact of the commission paid for gold in Lancashire since the establishment of the branch banks. He must say, that he could not agree with the hon. Member in supposing that the poorer districts of the country would suffer from this measure-indeed, he believed that all the evils anticipated by the hon. Member as likely to occur in such districts would be prevented by the competition among the country bankers. The hon. Member had supposed that the poorer classes of tradesmen in the country would dislike to place coin in the hands of the country bankers, because they would not be able to draw it out again. Now, though they would not, under this Bill, have exactly a legal claim to draw it out again, yet, if there were two banks in one place, and one was ready to pay, when required, in gold, and the other was not ready to do so, that difference in their mode of dealing would make the people select one of these banks in preference to the other, and that selection would cure the evil. He believed, that the anticipated evils were never likely to be felt, except in times of great difficulty, and against such occasions the measure had endeavoured to provide. In times of difficulty it was of the greatest possible importance to increase the security of the Bank of England-and times of difficulty, like those of 1825, might again occur. But then, said the hon. member for Bridport, the effect of this measure must be to tend

Mr. Clay thought, that the manly and noble conduct of the hon. member for London, in thus frankly avowing what he now considered to be an error of opinion, was above all praise; and instead of detracting from his character for talent and judgment, would only increase his deservedly high reputation. With respect to the plan which the Government had proposed, he thought the noble Lord had altogether failed, both in showing that there was any difficulty or danger in the present system, and that the proposed plan would obviate it. The noble Lord had shown no necessity for such a change in our monetary system, and in his opinion, no such panic as that of 1825 was likely again to occur. He believed, that the plan of the Government was not calculated to obviate any real danger; but he feared that it was likely to create some. He thought that they incurred danger, in infringing on the principle of the convertibility of Bank paper; and he should oppose that part of the plan most decidedly. Country banks had already sufficient facilities for circulating their paper; the issue of it was favoured by several different circumstances. He knew that there were instances in some of the manufacturing districts in which manufacturers paid their men in a body, so that they might give among three or four men one 51. country bank-note, instead of giving to each the amount due to him in sovereigns; and these men were charged, at the public-house where they spent their money, 1s. for each note changed for them. This was a serious evil in these places. [Cries of "name," and "where."] In the manufacturing districts of Lancashire and Yorkshire he had known instances of it.

He could tell the noble Lord, that there | hon. Members seemed to entertain of the was already a feeling against this plan, injurious effects of the measure on the cureven in those parts of the country where rency, he thought they were altogether Bank of England notes now circulated groundless. Looking, then, at the measure instead of country notes; and that in these in every point of view, he thought it would places indignation was already expressed at benefit the country, and he would, therethe attempt of the Government to make fore, give it his cordial concurrence. Bank of England notes a legal tender, and there was already a disposition to combine and prevent their circulation. What were the intentions of the Government with respect to Scotland and Ireland on this part of the subject? Did the noble Lord mean to make Bank of England notes a legal tender in those parts of the Empire? for if he did, he might as well resort at once to a Bank Restriction Act, the evils of which he had just confessed. So persuaded were the Americans of the necessity of a perfect convertibility of paper into gold, that there were no Charters now given to incorporate banks there, except upon the condition that they were to be forfeited, the moment they were unable to pay a single sum in gold.

Mr. John Smith commenced by praising the liberality with which the Bank of England had acted in every crisis of public difficulty, and especially in the year 1825, when such a panic occurred as, he believed, would never occur again. At that time the Bank had committed a mistake in the extent to which it carried its liberality. Now, it was the interest of every man, manufacturer as well as agriculturist, to protect public credit; and a second mistake in the Bank of England might be injurious to the whole country. This mistake, however, could not occur if the notes of the Bank of England were made legal tender. He was of opinion, that making them a legal tender would not occasion any great scarcity of gold. Though it might be true that a publican had charged 1s. for changing a 51. country note into sovereigns, he would not say that he doubted-he would say at once that he disbelieved-that any country banker had ever done such a thing. He contended, that the right hon. member for Tamworth, on bringing in his Bill of 1819, had rendered great service to the country, We had now done, thank God! with 17. and 21. notes: if they should ever again be permitted to return into circulation, he would retire from banking and live as well as he could on his means, believing, as he did, that our ruin would infallibly follow the recurrence to such a practice. He thought that the first opinion of his hon. friend, the member for the city of London, was the best. As to the fears which some

Mr. Blamire expressed a hope, that as so much depended on the judicious settlement of this question, it would receive the most serious consideration. He trusted, therefore, that hon. Members from all parts of the country would state what were likely to be its effects in those places with which they were best acquainted. On these grounds he would say a few words as to what he thought would be its effects in the northern parts of the country, in which he considered that it would be productive of no advantage whatever to the country banker, and would be a serious inconvenience to the community. He could not but regret, that the noble Lord had not brought his plan to some perfect form before he submitted it to the House, which was thus inconveniently called upon to pronounce upon a part of the plan before it was made acquainted with the whole. That part of the measure which would tend to diminish the circulation of country notes, and to substitute those of the Bank of England, would be found greatly inconvenient to the people of some of the northern counties, where they had a strong objection to Bank of England paper, and preferred country paper, as they had much less difficulty in detecting forgeries of the latter than of the former. One effect of the plan would be, that the demand for gold in the northern counties would be increased, instead of being diminished, for those who now took country notes were satisfied with them, as being better able to detect any forgeries of them, but now, if the circulation of those notes was limited, they would seek for gold rather than take Bank of England notes, with which they were not acquainted.

Sir John Wrottesley said, that this was one of the most important subjects that had ever come under the consideration of that House. It was one which at different times had occupied the attention of some of the greatest statesmen of modern times, who, differing in most other points, concurred in that of the impolicy of making Bank of England notes a legal tender. Both Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox had disclaimed the intention of making Bank of England notes permanently a legal tender. Even after the restriction of 1797 it was not

admitted, that in all cases they were a legal tender, and this went on till 1811, when a noble Lord, whom they all lamented (Lord King), raised the question in that year, but not for the motives falsely attributed to him, and demanded the payment of his rents in gold. On that occasion the late Lord Stanhope brought in a Bill, which was to have the effect of making the Bank of England note a legal tender for its full nominal amount. Lord Liverpool at first declared that he would oppose it: but, after some consultation with the Bank, he, in a few days, consented to the Bill. If the House would allow him, he would state why Lord Liverpool was induced to pass that Act. Lord Liverpool said:- By it one great and material objection-that which referred to making bank-notes a 'legal tender-was in a great measure ob'viated. Generally speaking, the subject in question was not proper for legislative 'interference, except in cases of positive 'necessity, of which, as yet, he saw no 'proof. It would be preferable to rely upon the general principle of mutual confidence, and the good sense of the 'people at large. Here he did not see a sufficient case made out to induce a de'parture from that principle." This was the opinion of Lord Liverpool; and it should be remarked, that the noble Lord supported the Bill because it did not make bank-notes a legal tender. But it might be said, perhaps, that he was only quoting a departed authority. If the House would allow him, he would give them the opinion of a living authority. Earl Grey said :The consequence of this proceeding must be, that the bank-notes will become a 'legal tender, and then this country would be subjected to the greatest evils experi'enced by the French government in the time of the Assignats.' But lest it should be said, that these reports of debates might not be correct, he would quote an authority with respect to which there could be no mistake. It was no other than a protest against that Bill, and it contained these words: Because we think it the 'duty of this House to mark, in the first instance, with the most decided reprobation, a Bill which, in our judgment, manifestly leads to the introduction of laws imposing upon the country the com'pulsory circulation of a paper currency

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a measure fraught with injustice, destruc'tive of all confidence in the legal security ' of contracts, and, as invariable experience

* Hansard, xx. p. 765. + Ibid. p. 838.

has shown, necessarily productive of the most fatal calamities.' And who did the House think signed that protest? He found the names of Grey, Lansdown, and Vassall Holland appended to it. The hon. Baronet then went on to contend, that this measure might be productive of great injustice to individuals. A man, for instance, might purchase an estate in Cumberland for 100,000l., and the seller would be obliged to take the amount in Bank of England notes, when probably at that very time the Bank might have ceased to pay in gold.

The

Mr. Forster concurred in the view of this question taken by the hon. Baronet, and contended that the result of an approximation to making paper a legal tender would necessarily be a depreciation of Bank paper. He greatly regretted, that such a change as this should be brought about at the present time, when we had got a sound and settled system of circulation, resting on the principle of convertibility. chief ground for diminishing the circulation of country paper was, that a large issue of that paper rendered the exchanges less manageable by the Bank than they otherwise would be. This he denied, and contended, that the influence of country bank paper was so indirect and remote, as to render no additional precautions necessary on the part of the Bank. As to the panic of 1825, it was impossible that such a panic should recur again so long as the 17. notes were kept out of circulation. In conclusion, he implored the Committee to pause before it took a step where to advance would be extremely dangerous, and to retreat extremely difficult, and yet retreat they must :

Revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras, Hoc opus, hic labor est.

Mr. Robinson denied, that the cases of Lord Stanhope's Bill quoted by Sir J. Wrottesley had any application to present circumstances. Formerly notes of every description were received in payment, but by this measure all sums of 51. were payable, on demand, in gold. What would be the effect of this? It was said, that it would give a check to payment in gold. No doubt it would in a slight degree: but that was the object of Government, to prevent a sudden demand for gold more than was necessary. It was only a choice of evils: it was perfectly well known that there was not gold enough in the country to pay all the demands between man and

Hansard, xx. p. 831,

man. How could they pay 28,000,000l., the interest of the National Debt, in gold? They must, therefore, have some of those payments represented by a paper currency, which, on the present plan, he must again contend, would suffer no depreciation. What was the fact in 1825? Why, it was well known, that country bankers came up to London in that year, and took away with them large masses of gold, which were found afterwards not to be necessary, though great trouble had been gone to to procure it. The great object of this Bill was to guard against the recurrence of such a demand for gold.

Mr. Mark Philips opposed the Motion. When he remembered that the Bank of England was in itself merely a mercantile speculation, and that it extended its circulation further, in proportion to its capital, than the country bankers did, he could not but have doubts as to the propriety of making the issues of the Bank of England legal tender. And when he saw the readiness with which hon. Members seemed inclined to adopt this Resolution, it only tended to increase his doubts; and he thought it, therefore, his duty to oppose the Resolution. He denied, that the practice, stated by an hon. Member to exist in some parts of the country, of paying labourers in Bank of England notes of 51. was at all general. In Lancashire it did not exist. There wages were regularly paid at four o'clock every Saturday; and every man, woman, and child carried off their earnings in hard cash. In duty to himself, and to the large constituency which he represented, he felt himself bound to oppose the Resolution.

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duce the circulation or re-establish the amount of gold in their coffers. When, however, they had too much gold in their coffers, they changed that gold into securitics. That this was the practice appeared from the evidence of Mr. Horsley Palmer. He (Colonel Torrens) thought those two rules incompatible, and he, therefore, said, that the theory of the Bank of England was worse than its practice. He was of opinion, that if they extended the monopoly of the Bank they would draw upon the country all the evils which had been felt from the fluctuations in the currency, and that when they established the Bank paper as a legal tender, they abandoned all the principles which science had brought to light upon this important subject.

Lord Sandon observed, that the object of Government appeared to be to relieve country-bankers from the necessity of procuring gold in the event of a panic, by making Bank of England paper a legal tender in the counties above a certain amount (51). How would the system satisfy the holders of 5. country-notes, and the depositors, who were the two classes of the country-bankers' customers? The holders of 51. notes could still demand gold, and the depositors might draw checks for small amounts, in order to get gold. Such being the case, the country bankers would naturally send to London, not for Bank of England notes, which might not be accepted, but for the article (gold) which he was quite sure would answer his purpose in the event of a panic. Thus it appeared, that the Government plan was, to say the least of it, inefficient: a sufficient ground to justify him in opposing the Resolution.

Colonel Torrens would have had no objection to make Bank of England paper Mr. Ewart said, that the great objection legal tender, provided that were done on which he had to the change proposed by the plan proposed by Mr. Ricardo, or pro- this Resolution was, that a case of necessity vided the Bank issues were on the same had not been made out; and he thought, principle as those stated by Joplin; but he such a change was not to be justified but had the strongest possible objection to by absolute necessity. The evidence on making the Bank of England notes a legal the subject went against, rather than in tender, constituted as the Bank of England favour of, its necessity. He had been on was. He believed, that the whole of the the Committee on the state of our comdistress which had afflicted this country merce, and had, therefore, had opportuniproceeded from the mismanagement of the ties of inquiring into the subject, and, he Bank of England. The Bank of England was convinced, that the currency of the was bad in practice, but in theory it was country as it at present stood was sufficient worse. Their rule was to keep to the for the necessities of the country. amount of one-third of their liabilities in objected to the Bank of England because gold, when the currency was full; but it was a monopoly. If there were other when a foreign demand came, then they large establishments, the rivals of each diminished the gold in their coffers below other, he would not object to making the that proportion, and in order to a readjust-paper of that Bank which had shown itself ment, they were then obliged either to re-deserving of the public confidence legal

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tender. Neither would he object to the paper of a National Bank, but he could not support such a proposition in the case of the Bank of England. He would, therefore, oppose the Resolution, in the first place, because it was not necessary; secondly, because the Bank of England was a monopoly ; and, thirdly, because the measure had a tendency to depreciate the value of the currency.

Mr. Poulett Scrope supported the Resolution. He said; that some people were of opinion, that every liability should be as easily convertible into gold as possible. He was of a contrary opinion. He thought, that it might be advantageous to throw some obstructions in the way of converting responsibilities. The promise to pay in gold was one which could not be fulfilled; and it was the business of the Legislature to take care that debts should be ultimately paid. He thought, the present clause would tend to that, and, therefore, he supported it.

Sir Henry Willoughby said, that if a panic arose from a distrust of paper money, it could not be cured by a tender of paper money. The people in such a case wanted gold, not paper, and an offer of paper would increase rather than diminish the alarm.

Mr. Herries begged to ask the noble Lord, before the House divided, whether the plan now proposed was to be permanent, and whether measures were to be taken to oblige the Bank of England to retain the present number of Branch banks?

Lord Althorp stated, that he thought he had already answered the questions satisfactorily at the desire of other hon. Members. However, as it would appear that he had not made himself perfectly intelligible to the House, he was ready to repeat what he had stated first, in answer to the hon. member for Whitehaven, as to the duration of the arrangement. The hon. Member had asked him whether it was to be considered as permanent or otherwise? He had stated, in answer to this, that the hon. Gentleman must be aware that this was a regulation, not for the benefit of the Bank, but for the benefit of the public. He added, that as it was proposed to insert in the Act of Parliament that it was intended to renew the Bank charter for a period of twenty-one years, it followed, that the regulation could not, under that Act, exist beyond the term fixed for the aintenance of the charter. With respect the possibility of the arrangement being

altered in the mean time, he was of opinion, that if it should be found detrimental to the public interest, it would be competent to Parliament to alter it. He had been asked, in the next place, whether he intended to introduce a provision into the Bill for the purpose of compelling the Bank to keep up a certain number of branch establishments to pay in gold in the country? He did not believe it possible for him, or any other man, to state with precision in an Act of Parliament how many branch establishments the Bank ought to support, and, therefore, he declined interfering in the matter. With respect to the third question, he did not think the alteration he had made in the Resolution, which was intended, not to satisfy any doubt of his own as to a possible deficiency of coin in circulation under the Resolution as it before stood, but to satisfy the apprehensions entertained by others on that subject. He did not think that the change would produce any material effect. 51. notes were payable in gold, but for all amounts above 5l. Bank of England paper would be a legal tender. If, as had been suggested, a bank issued five-guinea notes, a Bank of England note would certainly be a legal tender for part of that amount.

The Committee then divided on the Resolution-Ayes 214; Noes 156: Majority 58.

Resolution agreed to.

List of the Noes.

Aglionby, H. A.
Andover, Lord
Baillie, J. E.
Astley, Sir J.
Bainbridge, E. T.
Baldwin, Dr.
Barry, G. S.
Bell, M.
Berkeley, H. C.
Bethell, R.
Bewes, T.
Blake, M. T.
Bolling, W.
Bouverie, D. P.
Bowes, J.
Briggs, R.
Brocklehurst, J.
Brotherton, J.
Buckingham, J. S.
Buller, J. W.
Buller, C.
Bulwer, H. L.
Butler, Colonel
Calcraft, J. H.
Calley, T.
Cartwright, W. R.
Castlereagh, Viscount
Chaplin, T.

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