1685. that it was somewhat odd, that a priest of the church of England should be at Rome helping them off with the ware of Babylon. He was so pleased with this, that he repeated it to the others in French; and told the Frenchmen, that they should tell their countrymen, how bold the heretics and how mild the cardinals were at Rome $.

I stayed in Rome till prince Borghese came to me, and told me it was time for me to go. I had got great acquaintance there. And, though I did not provoke any to discourse of points of controversy, yet I defended my self against all those who attacked me, with the same freedom that I had done 663 in other places. This began to be taken notice of. So upon the first intimation I came away, and returned by Marseilles. And then I went through those southern provinces of France, that were at that time a scene of barbarity and cruelty.

Orange.

Cruelties in I intended to have gone to Orange: but Tessè with a body of dragoons was then quartered over that small principality, and was treating the protestants there in the same manner that the French subjects were treated in other parts. So I went not in, but passed near it, and had this account of that matter from some that were the most considerable men of the principality. Many of the neighbouring places fled thither from the persecution: upon which a letter was writ to the government there, in the name of the king of France, requiring them to put all his subjects out of their territory. This was hard. Yet they were too naked and exposed to dispute any thing with those who could command every

g Did our author understand this in a soft sense towards himself? O..

thing. So they ordered all the French to withdraw: 1685. upon which Tessè, who commanded in those parts, wrote to them, that the king would be well satisfied with the obedience they had given his orders. They upon this were quiet, and thought there was no danger. But the next morning Tessè marched his dragoons into the town, and let them loose upon them, as he had done upon the subjects of France. And they plied as feebly as most of the French had done. This was done while that principality was in the possession of the prince of Orange, pursuant to an article of the treaty of Nimeguen, of which the king of England was the guarantee. Whether the French had the king's consent to this, or if they presumed upon it, was not known. It is certain, he ordered two memorials to be given in at that court, complaining of it in very high terms. But nothing followed on it. And, some months after, the king of France did unite Orange to the rest of Provence, and suppressed all the rights it had, as a distinct principality. The king writ upon it to the princess of Orange, that he could do no more in that matter, unless he should declare war upon it; which he could not think fit for a thing of such small import

ance.

session of

For parliament.

But now the session of parliament drew on. And Another there was a great expectation of the issue of it. some weeks before it met, there was such a number of refugees coming over every day, who set about a most dismal recital of the persecution in France, and that in so many instances that were crying and odious, that, though all endeavours were used to 664 lessen the clamour this had raised, yet the king did

more.

1685. not stick openly to condemn it, as both unchristian and unpolitic. He took pains to clear the Jesuits of it, and laid the blame of it chiefly on the king, on madame de Maintenon, and the archbishop of Paris. He spoke often of it with such vehemence, that there seemed to be an affectation in it. He did He was very kind to the refugees. He was liberal to many of them. He ordered a brief for a charitable collection over the nation for them all: upon which great sums were sent in. They were deposited in good hands, and well distributed. The king also ordered them to be denised without paying fees, and gave them great immunities. So that in all there came over, first and last, between forty and fifty thousand of that nation. Here was such a real argument of the cruel and persecuting spirit of popery, wheresoever it prevailed, that few could resist this conviction. So that all men confessed, that the French persecution came very seasonably to awaken the nation, and open men's eyes in so critical a conjuncture: for upon this session of parliament all did depend.

The king's speech

When it was opened, the king told them how against the happy his forces had been in reducing a dangerous test. rebellion, in which it had appeared, how weak and

insignificant the militia was: and therefore he saw the necessity of keeping up an army for all their security. He had put some in commission, of whose loyalty he was well assured: and they had served him so well, that he would not put that affront on them, and on himself, to turn them out. He told them, all the world saw, and they had felt the happiness of a good understanding between him and his

parliament: so he hoped, nothing should be done on their part to interrupt that; as he, on his own part, would observe all that he had promised.

1685.

Thus he fell upon the two most unacceptable points that he could have found out; which were, a standing army, and a violation of the act of the test. There were some debates in the house of lords about thanking the king for his speech. It was pressed by the courtiers, as a piece of respect that was always paid. To this some answered, that was done when there were gracious assurances given. Only the earl of Devonshire said, he was for giving thanks, because the king had spoken out so plainly, and warned them of what they might look for. It was carried in the house to make an address of thanks for the speech. The lord Guilford, North, was now 665 dead. He was a crafty and designing man. He had no mind to part with the great seal: and yet he saw, he could not hold it without an entire compliance with the pleasure of the court. An appeal against a decree of his had been brought before the lords in the former sessionh: and it was not only reversed with many severe reflections on him that made it, but the earl of Nottingham, who hated him because he had endeavoured to detract from his father's memory, had got together so many instances of his ill administration of justice, that he exposed him severely for it. And, it was believed, that gave the crisis to the uneasiness and distraction of mind he was labouring under. He languished for some

h There were not two sessions; the second meeting was upon an adjournment. O.

G 2

1685. time; and died despised and ill thought of by the whole nation i.

Jefferies

made lord

Nothing but his successor made him be rememchancellor. bered with regret: for Jefferies had the seals. He had been made a peer while he was chief justice, which had not been done for some ages: but he affected to be an original in every thing. A day or

i (According to his brother's account, in his Life of the Lord Keeper, he delayed resigning his office from regard to the king's service, notwithstanding the affronts he received from his court enemies, Sunderland and Jefferies; but at length, the melancholy he had contracted, want of health, and the uneasiness he felt at the then state of affairs, obliged him to give it up. In an audience with the king, he honestly advised his majesty to avoid giving occasion to the public discontent, and to place no reliance on an army, or confidence in the dissenters; reminding him, that although the duke of Monmouth was gone, yet there was still a prince of Orange remaining. His brother, the historian of the family, whose love of truth was the theme of the neighbourhood in which, after he had been the queen's attorney general, he resided, goes on to observe, that although the ford keeper actually made use of these very suggestions to the king, it was only to satisfy his own conscience; "for he knew the king's "humour, and that nothing that "he could say to him would "take place or sink with him.

"So strong were his prejudices, " and so feeble his genius, that " he took none to have

66

any right understanding, that were not "in his measures, and that the "counsel given him to the

contrary was for policy of "party more than for friendship "to him." p. 273. Mr. North acknowledges, that the lord keeper was much vilified both during his life and after his death; yet says, that his justice was so exact, and course of life so unexceptionable, that the author of one of the vilest written libels in those times was reduced, for want of something worse, to the calling him slyboots. He relates also, that some particular acts were alleged after his death, impeaching his conduct as lord keeper; to all which charges the author replies at full. See North's Life of the Lord Keeper Guilford, p. 271-284. Sir John Dalrymple, in his preface to the second volume of his Memoirs, remarks, that the lord Guilford is one of the very few virtuous characters, which are to be found in the history of the reign of Charles the second.)