tever party, who looked beyond in of the moment, and was not iced against the interference of n, merely because they are womight see in the intervention of >usekeeping interest an influence would make for understanding. housekeeping interest is common 1 classes; the foundations of its perity, in all ranks of life, are laid the same commodities. Being so tituted, its advantage advantages

rs

even those who oppose its dein the name of a party or cause. here would be no immediate or tling results from the innovation; i would still be a fighting animal. the representation of the houseping interest during 'conversas' or negotiations would be a render of that domestic, individual e of life which man, as a rule, thrusts t of his memory when fired and ssessed by the collective spirit, the irit that makes for conflict. Men ht when they have limited their inrests, and are conscious of only one pect of their lives when they are al owners, railwaymen, Englishmen, ermans only not human beings of any interests, with lives of more than he aspect. The result of the interposion might be valuable to more than he housekeeper. . . . And there would e a result upon public opinion - also radual, but none the less valuable com reports on the various agree

ments arrived at, published in the widespread housekeeping interest, with a view to pointing out in what manner the peace terms affected it.

To recapitulate the idea underlying these suggestions: our system of government is undergoing modification and feminine statesmanship will have to watch keenly the rise of new forms of authority. The tendency toward government by trades and interests may become something more than a threat to women in general, if coupled with the other tendency to exclude them from important trades and interests, from the callings that count politically. Citizenship- the right of the vote- may exist only as a nominal privilege, if the power of Parliament has been largely superseded by institutions where the needs of women count for little.

And there is another point to be remembered when considering this possible exclusion from rising forms of authority. It is this: though we do not yet know whether women will stand effectively for peace, it is deadly certain that no other agency does. In the interests of humanity - if only as a last poor hope they should be brought in contact with every form of conflict and tried. And if, as a result of that trial, the fighting instinct is in any way curbed or checked then, whether they will it or repel it, authority should be thrust into their hands.

to be unlikely that the right will be urged when the medical profession makes its bargain with the Ministry of Health.

The medical profession, like every other, has its post-war difficulties difficulties that amount to a crisis. It is faced with the fact that the classes which formerly paid doctors' fees and subscriptions to hospitals - including the medical schools where the doctor obtains his training can no longer afford to do both. The hospitals, no doubt, could be saved from bankruptcy by the more general admission of the paying patient; but the admission of the paying patient would mean not only a blow to the lucrative nursing home industry, but an immediate loss of fees to the medical profession as a whole. That is the position, economically, as regards the medical profession, which, as a body, must desire to keep the paying patient out of the general hospital. It must desire to keep the general hospital on a non-paying basis, and to supplement its falling income by assistance out of rates or taxes.

Whatever the ultimate decision and bargain, the women of the classes affected unfavorably will always be the greatest sufferers. As the closing of wards, under present conditions, adds sick nursing to the duties of one class of woman, so continued refusal to provide accommodation for the paying patient adds sick nursing to the duties of the woman of the struggling middle class the class which cannot afford the expense of a nursing home, and will be hit by the hospital rate. In these circumstances, the right to be consulted is clear; were it claimed, it would hardly be denied. The fact that it has not been claimed is merely another proof of our apathy in public affairs, our lack of understanding foresight as to how they will affect our private lives.

There is another claim that should be made and made with a steady insistence. In all industrial disputes that affect our actual conditions of livingthe price of necessities, of housing, fire, and food the women of the housekeeping class should be represented during the negotiations for a settlement. Progress in politics, as in every other sphere, means adaptation to environment; and our political environment is not what it was before the days of the frequent industrial blockade. The root-principle of industrial blockade- like that of international blockade- is the use of the non-combatant as an auxiliary fighting force; the noncombatant the consumer is deprived of necessaries, in the hope that, having suffered enough from the want of them, he will clamor for the peace that means relief, and force the government to consent to the price that is asked for it. In every industrial conflict on a large scale, the consumer is used as a weapon; and it is the housekeeping class whose hardships are most effective in producing the results desired. It is placed, in such conflicts, in the position of a semi-belligerent. The housekeeping interest, therefore, has a right to insist that, as it is a combatant - however unwillingly it shall be represented at the settlement. Having been enlisted in the service of a belligerent, and used as an auxiliary, it must be admitted as a party to the making of peace.

A right even though it be but the right to concern yourself with your own affairs is seldom conceded unasked; we cannot, therefore, expect that the housekeeping interest will be recognized as a party to industrial warfare and peace-making unless it demands such recognition. At the same time, it is more than possible that the demand, once made, would not meet with great opposition; the politician,

of whatever party, who looked beyond the gain of the moment, and was not prejudiced against the interference of women, merely because they are women, might see in the intervention of the housekeeping interest an influence that would make for understanding. The housekeeping interest is common to all classes; the foundations of its prosperity, in all ranks of life, are laid upon the same commodities. Being so constituted, its advantage advantages others even those who oppose its desires in the name of a party or cause. There would be no immediate or startling results from the innovation; man would still be a fighting animal. But the representation of the housekeeping interest during 'conversations' or negotiations would be a reminder of that domestic, individual side of life which man, as a rule, thrusts out of his memory when fired and possessed by the collective spirit, the spirit that makes for conflict. Men fight when they have limited their interests, and are conscious of only one aspect of their lives when they are coal owners, railwaymen, Englishmen, Germans only not human beings of many interests, with lives of more than one aspect. The result of the interposition might be valuable to more than the housekeeper. . . . And there would be a result upon public opinion - also gradual, but none the less valuable from reports on the various agree

ments arrived at, published in the widespread housekeeping interest, with a view to pointing out in what manner the peace terms affected it.

To recapitulate the idea underlying these suggestions: our system of government is undergoing modification and feminine statesmanship will have to watch keenly the rise of new forms of authority. The tendency toward government by trades and interests may become something more than a threat to women in general, if coupled with the other tendency to exclude them from important trades and interests, from the callings that count politically. Citizenship- the right of the vote- may exist only as a nominal privilege, if the power of Parliament has been largely superseded by institutions where the needs of women count for little.

And there is another point to be remembered when considering this possible exclusion from rising forms of authority. It is this: though we do not yet know whether women will stand effectively for peace, it is deadly certain that no other agency does. In the interests of humanity-if only as a last last poor hope they should be brought in contact with every form of conflict and tried. And if, as a result of that trial, the fighting instinct is in any way curbed or checked then, whether they will it or repel it, authority should be thrust into their hands.

the street.

But in the darkness where someone had laid them,

Since they were yours, and that place was the best,

Time and his leaguers who else had betrayed them

Shattered an empire, but left them

at rest.

Down the long road that begins with

your story,

We have peered wistfully into the gloom,

Watching the shadows of Rome and her glory;

sense,

And to what majesty of stars I hold My little candle of experience.

In the vast night, in the untraveled night,

I sigh and seek. And there is answer

none.

But in the silence, that sure pressure slight

Of your heart beating close against my

own.

O Love, Love, where in you is any bound?

doom;

found.