One of the nicest points in regard to absolute non-existence, is that involved in the question whether the Absolute non-existence of Absolute non-existence is a Non-existence or an Existence. Those who favour the latter view adopt the argument that two negatives make an affirmative. The opponents of this view contend that-as the non-existence of , no matter what x may be, is the non-existence thereofthe non-existence of non-existence can be nothing else than a Non-existence. Where there is such a "very pretty quarrel as it stands," it would be a pity to spoil sport by interfering with the settlement of it.

A pandit, desirous to make acquaintance, called upon us one day-cager to display his dialectical subtlety, and (like the Irishman of easy conscience who, to the remonstrance— "good gracious-you're not going to take such an oath as that?"-replied-" I'd like to see the oath I wouldn't take") -prepared to take objection to any proposition however unimpeachable. Finding him no granter of propositions, we reverted, as a last resource, to Aristotle's fundamental position that it is impossible for the same thing at once to be and not to be. Our visiter was disposed as little to grant this as anything else,--and he had made some way towards demonstrating the perfect compatibility of "being" and "non-being" under certain circumstances, when fortunately another pandit came in-and to him we resigned the conduct of the argument. Quotations from all the most profound authorities on the subject of Non-existence were soon flying about our ears—each disputant screaming at the highest pitch of his voice-and, some other pandits having come in and scated themselves as spectators and judges, the contest raged so "fast and furious" that our little boy slunk out of the room in a state of alarm in which we ourself began rather to participate. At length the arguments on the side of Aristotle were found to be in accordance with the dicta of the authoritics--whereupon the stranger gracefully gave in, and was complimented on the vigour with which he had fought a losing battle.

It is but fair to observe that the pandits, except when regularly contending for victory, appear to be quite as capable of appreciating the whimsical side of such scholastic disquisitions as any European is. They set store by them as furnishing occasion for admirable discipline in the rigidly correct employ ment of language. It is a mode of mental gymnastics-an intellectual bout at fence. One-that is to say one decidedly practical and venerable-one who makes money and invests

it judiciously-may question whether exercise in this kind of fencing is of any use. If fencing, bodily or mental, be of any use at all, the latter will not (by any one that we care to exchange words with,) be held the less useful of the two. The usefulness of the former, and of gymnastics in general, does not require to be demonstrated at this time of day.

For the present we quit our friend the student--hoping to meet him next in the field of "criticism."

VI.

KOSSUTH.

Of all the Generals in those various revolutions which have convulsed Europe during recent years, Kossuth the Hungarian is unquestionably the most prominent. He has fulfilled his part now, in the great drama of the times; yet was there no other man whose art was able, for so long a period, to incite a mighty nation in pursuit of his purposes, and to collect so powerful a force, that the destinies of the western nations appear only just released from the peril which he threatened. A sketch of this man's career, (for which we are indebted to a correspondent in Austria) can hardly be without interest for our readers.

Kossuth was originally of Slavonian extraction ; but was born in the Canton [Comitat] of Zemplin, to which his father, or his grand-father, migrated from Slavonia. His youth presents no very remarkable features. He served as Churchwarden [Jurat] and High Sheriff [Herrschaftsfiskal] of his Canton; as many of the lower nobility have done in Hungary. His political notoriety was advanced during the Sessions of the States-General from 1832 to 1836; of the motions of which he circulated lithographed journals. When denied the liberty of the press, he employed a number of young men to transcribe the transactions. His reports were inflammatory in the highest degree; but whether he then entetrained the idea of rebellion it is impossible to say. After the States-General, the Government put him under arrest, and introduced a process of high treason against him. But during the States-General of May, 1840, the Emperor promulgated a general amnesty; and Kossuth was again free. On January 1st, 1841, a Magyar newspaper appeared in Pesth, -the "Pesti Hirlap." Its proprietors had proposed Kossuth as their Editor; and, the Prefect of Police agreeing, permission to publish was granted him from Vienna. The very first number commenced an agitation;-its language was inflammatory, it canvassed every existing institution severely, it laboured only to establish the broadest democracy. Its doctrines were greedily devoured; for the thirst of opposition was then rife in Hungary. It is true that the leading articles were very superficial; for Kossuth is not a man of substantial scholarship :-but they were violent, impassioned, and addressed to the masses. Prudent men, who had been

advocates of the more moderate form of revolution, were terrified and withdrew; as Deàk for instance, who from that period ceased to be a leader of the opposition; and Count Stephen Széchényi, who expressed himself openly against Kossuth. But it was too late. His newspaper already menaced physical force. In a printed address to the States-General, Kossuth thus expressed himself on a reform which he advocated:-"With you, if you please; if not, then without youagainst you." Thenceforward dates his thirst of separation. He directed his efforts to establish a mighty Hungarian dynasty, independent of Austria. To this end all the inhabitants of Hungary who were not Magyars were declared to be so. But this act roused all their national prejudices. The strife of tongues began. To make every advance of the Government impossible, Kossuth promoted anarchy in the Canton of Pesth, where he was a member of assembly; and his adherents followed the same plan in every other Canton. Kossuth's great powers of popular cloquence expedited him much; for little as he was able to compete felicitously with a few pacific men in argumentative discussion, he was just as certain of success when he addressed the masses. Speaking solely to the imagination and the passions, and being, beyond dispute, a great popular orator, he delighted in a numerous audience. All excesses in the Cantons, all encroachments of their leading members, were excused on the ground that self-enacted constitutions were the Palladium of Hungarian liberties, and that even such misdemeanors are more endurable than thraldom. Every thing was taken advantage of to foster agitation :-the mixed marriages, the enrolment of more administrators of the Cantons, the erection of an increas ed number of government bourses, &c. A special treasury was appropriated to the opposition; the very females took part in the insurrection, and upset all they could. The opposition was regularly disciplined, and Kossuth was its Head.

The Government regarded these agitations as supinely as it well might. The first visible signs of a separatist tendency occurred in 1830, at the ceremony of the coronation. The States-General voted 48,000 recruits; the Hungarian representatives required that their troops should be officered only by Hungarians. The proposition was lost; but its tendency was apparent. Then the Government deprived itself of one of its strongest pillars. The Catholic priesthood, which holds the very first social position in Hungary, withdrew from political interference; because it was declared that that clergyman performs his functions best, who is most free from pos

litical distractions. The Opposition virtually limited the number of clerical votes in the States-General; and no one of the Chancellors had the courage to plead for the Church. In short, all the Chancellors were at difference; fluctuating between harshness and temporizing imbecility and threatenings. Perhaps in a single Canton one might bestow a little money to secure a favourable election. But apathy again succeeded, while the opposition waxed more and more, till it grew to a giant stature.

At this time Kossuth endeavoured to organize his faction; but soon it appeared that his great talent was only destructive. Of all which he called into being, nothing prospered. He formed a protective association ;-for the encouragement of Hungarian industry, none should use any but Hungarian commodities;-but his association fell to the ground. Similarly, a mercantile association came to nothing. One for the encouragement of manufactures existed only in project; for Kossuth's friends nominated him director, while the rest would not agree to pay up their shares, if he should be appointed. Even the paper which he established, and which founded his reputation, he himself injured by resigning the editorship on account of pecuniary disputes with the proprie

tors.

Still he remained the idol of the Opposition; which indeed was also the majority. For his address was always to the passions and the imagination; and the weak points of the Hungarian character are a want of calm reflection, an exuberance of imagination, and self-esteem immeasureable. Moreover, Kossuth had declared over and over again that he held the union of Hungary with Austria, and the dominion of the House of Austria in Hungary, to be of such advantage to the Hungarians, that except it had been done. three hundred years ago, it would be now expedient to seat the Emperor of Austria on the Hungarian throne. The minds of most were pacified; and but few suspected that a lust of separation rankled under such professions.

Then came the year 1817. Prudent members of the Opposition desired no place for Kossuth in the House of Assembly. But Count Ludwig Batthyány, who led the nobility of the Opposition, tried to involve the Government in as many dilemmas as possible; and at his urgent and repeated request, Count Gideon Raday canvassed for Kossuth's elec tion for the Canton of Pesth. He succeeded. Kossuth attained the height of his immediate wishes. And now the strife for life and death began.