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and propriety, and avoid those contemptible effufions abounding with tautology, nonsense, and impertinence, which are generally delivered under the name of extemporary prayer.
VIII. Memoirs of the Court of Portugal, and of the Administration
of the Count D'Oeyras. Taken from a Series of Original Letters. Written in French. 8vo. Pr. 25. 6d. Bingley. E have * already reviewed a publication containing the
most interesting part of this pamphlet with regard to Great Britain as a commercial state. The minister whose name is expressed in the title-page, D'Oeyras, is here treated as being not only the source of all the oppressions which the English merchants meet with in Portugal, but of all the internal disturbances which have within these twelve or fourteen years past afflicted that kingdom. We are not even ain, whether the earthquake in 1755 was not (according to this author) owing to him; but it is plain, that he was in a great meafure indebted to that calamity for the advancement of his power.
This memoir-writer insinuates as if the horrid executions of the Aveiro and Tavora families were in consequence of a sham plot invented against them by the favourite ; and gives us a detail of their persons and punishments, which contains very few particulars not published about that time. After this shocking tragedy was over, the favourite was raised to the post of primeminister, created an earl, and had a regiment of dragoons assigned to him as a guard to his person. He was preceded through the streets by drums beating, and a law was published making it treason to speak ill of the minister. We are next presented with a detail of the military and other measures he took to secure the royal, that is to say, his own, authority, and which he employed for persecuting the antient nobility. Without pretending to answer for the truth of all the facts, we shall state a few instances of this minister's tyranny, chiefly in order to impress our fellow-subjects with a grateful sense of the happiness they enjoy under a British government.
* All great assemblies were prohibited, unless with leave ; and numberless other precautions taken, that things might remain as they stood.
• Count d'Oeyras, arrived at this zenith of grandeur and power, displayed his rage against the antient nobility of Portugal, in a very extraordinary manner ; and exhibited a refentment not to be satiated. He proceeded to exasperate his master
See Vol. xxii. p. 364.
at the whole order of the Grandees, by representing them as a factious and disloyal body, and in consequence was permitted to týrannise at pleasure over them. Almost every day brought with it the imprisonment of some or other of the Portuguese nobility: among them the Count de Ribiera was arrested, and carried to prison, where he still continues, though his crime is yet unknown.
Cagliaris, the Captain of the Queen's Guard, foon followed ; his abilities, integrity, and resolution, rendered him incapable of stifling refleâions which were too obvious to the meanest Portuguese. He was arrested whilft ill of an ague and fever, and in that dangerous condition conveyed to a damp dungeon, in the fort of Saint Geam, situate on a rock at the mouth of the Tagus, the spring-tides in which often overflowed the floor of the cave where he was confined. sician represented his ill state of health, and the danger that must arise to his patient from a confinement in such a place ; but this remonstrance not being attended to, death soon put a period to Cagliari's sufferings. His body was buried in the most obscure manner, in the neighbourhood of the fort, and his widow, a lady, of the house of Holstein, banished to a solitary habitation, where she drags out a miserable life, in want and distress, not being so much as permitted even to return to her own country, though she has frequently petitioned for that purpose. His two sons are confined in the fort of St. Uvall, and probably for life.
"This nobleman had two brothers, one a Knight of Malta, who happened to be at Paris at the time of Cagliari's misfortune, the other was then in Portugal; the latter was instantly banished to Mertola, where he still continues, and the foriner was ordered to return home ; but being aware of the Minister's power, and unretenting temper, he refused to obey, and was outlawed; the French king, commiserating his condition, gave him the command of a regiment in his service,
• The next victim of this Minister's fury was the Count d'Ovedos, a nobleman of the royal blood, advanced in years, and so zealous of his Sovereign's and Country's dignity, that he had greatly impaired his fortune by maintaining a figure in his master's service, fuperior to his abilities. This nobleman never loved the Favourite ; and the King having observed that Carvalho's house had escaped the earthquake, which his Majesty attributed to the kindness of heaven, in return for his minister's virtues and goodness, the Count d'Ovedos, who happened to be present, jocularly faid, that if it was a mark of heaven's approbation of the Minister's virtues, that his house had escaped the earthquake, the common prostitutes must
equally be esteemed paragons of virtue, and high in the favour of their Maker, as the Rua Suja, or street where they lived, had not suffered,
« The Count d'Ovedos had suffered immensely by the earth, quake ; he had lost two whole streets by that calamity, so that this royal eulogy on the Favourite seemed an indirect satire on the Count, as it touched him very sensibly in his reputation ; it is not to be doubted therefore but that this nobleman was stimu, lated by the recoliection of his own ill fortune, to resentment, on hearing the minister's character thus recommended on so unreasonable an account. The answer, however, cost the Count his liberty, and probably his life, for he was soon after arrested and thrown into prison, where he still continues, if alive, without being ever admitted to know his offence.
• This aged nobleinan, when arrested, was used very cruelly by the magistrate who took him into custody. For the latter went to the Count's house before his ụsual hour of rising, and understanding, as he expected, that the Count was not stirring, he burst into his bedchamber, drew his poniard, and laying his hand on the Count's breast, told him he was the King's prifoner, and that if he moved he was a dead inan. The Count awaking, and recolle&ting himself a little, faid, Doctor, it is not your poniard that frightens me, bụt the King's commands compel my submission; and my allegiance to iny Prince obliges me to obey his orders, by whatever messenger he sends them.
• When it is reflected, that the Count was a soldier from his cradle, and the magistrate, a Doctor at Law, this answer of the Count's not only Ihows his coolness, and the peculiar temper for which he was famous; but displays, in a very humorous light, the absurd behaviour of a man, who being a civil magistrate, knew so little of his office as to think his poniard of more efficacy than his orders, especially in a place where the Count, with a single call, could have had assistants who would soon have dispatched hira.
The Duke de la Foens, a prince of the blood, and next heir to the crown, after the extinction of that branch of the royal family now on the throne, has been many years in banishment, and at present resides in Germany. The cause of his exile is variously talked of; by some it is said, that this misfortune befel him on account of a passion he entertained for the granddaughter of the Marchioness de Tavora, who was beheaded; and that his crime consisted in being seen on his knees before this young lady. Others, that he was banished because he ad„vised his elder brother, as heir in entail to an estate settled by the king, Don Peter, on the second branch of the royal family, not to relinquish his right to it. For on the death of the Infant,
Don Francisco, uncle to his present Most Faithful Majesty; Don Antonio, another uncle, and brother to the deceased, pretending to his estate, it was also claimed by the nephew, Don Pedro, brother to his majesty; but this difference was amica. bly settled between the two parties; the Infant Don Pedro remaining possessed of the estate, and a compensation being allowed Don Antonio for it, and after him to Don Manuel, another surviving brother of his. But the rights of Don Miguel, who had likewise been named in the same will, and was the father of la Foens, still remained unsatisfied. La Foens was therefore desired also to accept of an accommodation, but to this he never would consent.
My King, said he, has a right to command my personal service, as well as my whole fortune, when he pleases, when the good of my country calls me out to danger ; but I hope he will not take it amiss, if I refuse to give up the rights of my family, which came to me by proximity of blood, and which I ought to transmit to succeeding generations.
• He was called Don John de Bragança, and before his retirement to Germany, resided some time in England under the title of Duke of Bragança.
• Even the two natural brothers of his Molt Faithful Majesty could not escape falling facrifices to the despotism of the miniter. The elder was inquisitor-general, the minister directed himto licence a book concerning confeflion, in which it was contended that, on some important occasions, it is lawful to discover what is revealed under the seal of confeffion; this proposition is known to be so contrary to the doctrine of the Romish church, that the Prince refused compliance. Count d'Oeyras went to his house, in order to pursuade him. The discourse at this interview grew so warm, that the Count called the Prince traitor ; and the latter drew a poniard on the Count. A younger brother of the Prince, by accident, being present, interposed, and prevented further mischief. The elder, who had drawn on the Count, repaired immediately to the palace, but could not gain admittance; and the next day his house was surrounded by soldiers. Both the Princes were taken into custody, conveyed- to prison, and their effects confiscated, without even the form of a tryal.
• Much about the same time, it may be truely said, that .bove forty or fifty of the lefser nobility underwent the same fate, insomuch that all men were struck with fear and amazement at the detachments of dragoons perpetually traversing the ftreets, conducting some miserable victims in close chaises to the places of their confinement, where they were never to be heard of inore.'
Our limits will not permit us to give farther quotations from this pamphlet, which is full of so many atrocious facts committed, and daily committing, by this minister, that, compareri to him, Sejanus was a faint, Richelieu a lambkin, Mazarine a Nathaniel, Wolsey a hermit, and Buckingham a Socratės. The performance, supposing its contents to be authentic, merits the attention of every British subject; and even men of speculation may reap considerable advantages by perusing it. The translator (if this publication is really a translation) is not always happy in arranging his periods, and making the proper distinctions between persons introduced into the same sentence or story.
IX. The Annual Register, or a View of the History, Politicks, and
Literature, for the Year 1766. 8vo. Pr.gs. Dodiley.
E have, more than once, given a favourable character
us. The History of Europe, which takes up the first fortyeight pages, is this year composed with great precision, moderation, and, we think, impartiality.' The Chronicle, which is the next division, with its appendix, is, as usual, exact; and the author, had he been willing, could not have committed a fault in his next division, viz. that of State-Papers.
We cannot think the compiler has been very happy in his selection of characters. He has presented us with extracts from the Memoirs of the Marchioness of Pompadour *, which are evidently forgeries of some little bustling Frenchman acquainted with certain capital facts and personages; and the author is certainly the most complete master of effrontery that ever took
in hand, to publish, as he has done, the ridiculous filly effufions of his own brain for those of Sir Robert Walpole. The characlers of the emperor Charles V. and his son Philip II. of Spain, are not only ungraceful and ill-drawn, but false and partial, when examined by the truth of history. The same may be said of the Account of the Life and Writings of George Buchanan, extracted from the French of Monf. le Clerc. In this account we find little more relating to Buchanan's person than what was published by himself, except a few tawdry particulars relating to Camden and Thuanus. The manner in which those two historians were imposed on, has been fully cleared up by several late publications, which this compiler ought to have consulted before he reprinted le
* See Yol. XXI. p. 442.