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America, her rival flame,
That rough, imperious, haughty dame,

As dark in heart as feature ;
With your opinions to comply,
Forces all bonds of legal tie,

Of gratitude and nature.
Rais'd by the fondest mother's care,
She wounds that mother to despair,

Who gave her easë and wealth ;
Tutor'd to serve your odious ends,

The cheats herself and friends,

With you intrigues by stealth.' The reader, from this extract, will probably conclude that the author is not possessed of that Horatian manner which unites urbanity with satire, and where the writer makes the molt desperate paffes while he smiles. Satire, however, is only one of the purposes of this ode ; for it concludes with a very fulsome panegyric upon a near relation of the noble lord to whom it is addressed.

For you

20. Half an Hour's Advice to Nobody knows who. 8vo. Pr."6d.

No Publisher's Name. This pamphlet contains fome very sensible advice, which we most heartily with it may be in the power of government to follow. The author praises Walpole's administration because it was steady and moderate, and when he retired from public business the national debt did not exceed fifty milions. He commends Mr. Pelham as a minister who was aflisted by Sir John Barnard, and who preserved the finking fund entirely untouched, though the war under his adminiftration added thirty inillions to the debt of the nation. He likewise bestows a due share of applaufe upon Mr. · Pitt and Mr. Legge; though he says, the public debt under them increased to the incredible sum of one hundred and forty millions. These particulars being premised, the writer proceeds to his advice, which contains little more than has been often repeated, to take off the taxes from the necessaries of life, and lay them upon its luxuries. He advises the coach and plate tax to be levied by assessinent, and thinks that no pension should be granted by the crown above three hundred pounds per ann. He proposes a tax upon celibacy, upon the American provinces, the East-India company, and points out the particular taxations which ought to he laid on the articles of luxury, Valeat quantum valere poteft.

21. The

21. The Trial of England's Cicero, on the four important Articles

of his being an Orator, a Patriot, an Author, and a Briton, 8vo. Pr. is. Williams.

This pamphlet contains plenty of abuse upon many respectable personages; we Thall, however, disappoint the author, who seems to hug himself with the thoughts that the Reviewers, by damning his pamphlet, will introduce it to public notice. 22. A View of all the Changes made in the Government, since the Accession of his present Majesty. A Broadside. Pr. 1s. Almon.

The number of changes in the superior offices and depart. ments of state exhibited in this View amounts to two hundred and fifty-five! 23. A Scheme to pay off, in a few Years, the National Debt, by a

Repeal of the Marriage A&t. 8vo. Pr. Is. Becket and De Hondt..

This schemer, who writes in the character of an old batchelor, bewails the flagitious and barefaced disregard of the marriage bed, and, in short, of modesty and decency. He pretends to think that the great object for the confideration of the legillature is, Whether the clause, until deaih us do part, will not admit of some palliation, repeal, or change, that would not only make marriage honourable, and a blefling to society and individuals, but also redound to the great emolument of the state.' Our author confesses that the above-mentioned clause was the bug-bear which frightened him from marrying; and labours. hard to remove some seeming difficulties to his scheme, which is, that the marriage take place for the term of, or until the expiration of ine, two, three, four, or five years, as the parties may agree.' Parties at the expiration of the marriage lease thall have liberty of renewing it for any term within five years, upon paying a certain fine to government for

every newal, after the manner of some church and college tenures.'. Every marriage is to be duly registered, and the registering attended by the payment of a certain tax to the government., The colonies are to be excepted, by way of punishment for their late behaviour, and the inhabitants there obliged to keep their wives.

Such is this merry wag's scheme for paying the national debt; and the irony is carried on with a considerable degree of that folemn humour which is often more pleasing than the piquant repartees of profeffed wit, 24. An earnest Address to the Freeholders of the County of Huntingdon. By an Independent Freiholder. 410. Pr. 6d. Crowder.

A provincial job, but handled with sense and humour. The author sup, ofers that some candidate is preparing to divide the

free

such re

freeholders of the county of Huntingdon by scattering money

among them.

25. A Letter to the Proprietors of East India Sock, upon the

Question to be ballosed for on Tuesday the 2 3d Day of March, for granting to Lord Clive ibree hundred thousand Pounds. 8vo. Pr. 6d. Nicoll. . The author of this letter is a professed enemy to the immense remuneration, equal, he says, to a sum of three hundred thoufand pounds, proposed to be given by the proprietors of the East India company to lord Clive. He observes very sensibly, that no proprietor can positively fay, whether, in consequence of the resolutions of pt, he may ever be benefited one Shilling by all his lordihip's boasted services.

These considerations are, at leaft, problematical; neither shall we pretend to determine how far government, or rather p -t, has an interest in the territorial acquisitions, obtained upon commercial principles, by a trading company. A queftion some time or other may, perhaps, arife concerning the nature of that allegiance which every Englishman owes to the government under which he is born, and which no difference of time, place, or circunstance, can diffolve. In the mean time, this writer has started a point, which, instead of being a fecondary, ought to have been the leading consideration of the East India · company, which is, (if we mistake not) whether the whole is to be concluded by a part, fuppofing it to be a majority:

We ask this writer's pardon in endeavouring to illuftrate a proposition of which he seems to hold the negative, by a similar case; we mean that of a parish vestry. Undoubtedly, that body has the right to make the ordinary arrangements for the good of their fellow-housekeepers and inhabitants ; but he must have a much larger stock of law than we pretend to, who can decide, whether, if a vestry was to vote away an exorbitant fum, (e. gr. the tenth part of lord Clive's jaghire) which is to come out of the pockets of the other inhabitants, the minority would not have a right to dispute the legality of such a vote. For our own parts, we are of opinion that they would, and that the vote is of itself illegal; but we shall not venture to del termine, whether a meeting of the proprietors of East India stock, is of the same nature as an open vestry.

This writer supposes lord Clive's income, all of which arises from his employments under the East India company, to. amount to feventy-five thousand pounds per annum, of which twenty-fix thousand arises from the monopoly of salt, betel nut, and tobacco. The author is certainly well grounded as to this print, and combats his lordship's friends under the words of a 8

letter

letter to him from the present directors, dated February 19, 1766, in which they say, that in the affair of the monopoly he has acted with “ a determined resolution to facrifice the interest of the company, and the peace of the country, to lucrative and selfish views.”

In the reinaining part of this pamphlet, the writer attacks the merit of his lordship's services to the company, whose enemies, says he, were subdued before the arrival of this hero in India ; and if the facts he advances are true, the vast encrease of the company's property there, was settled before that time. With respect to the first jaghire, the author seems to think his lordThip had no right to it; and concludes with some very severe ftri&ures upon the conduct of that nobleman and his friends.

As we pretend to no knowledge of the truth of the facts contained in this letter (though we think it will be very

difficult to invalidate them) we can pass no other judgment, except faying, that it is written in a masterly manner, and discovers many particulars, of which, we believe, the public was before ignorant.

26. A Letter to the Proprietors of East India Stock, relative to their

prefent Negotiations with Government. Folio. Pr. 6d. Kearily.!

This pamphlet is the work of an anti-ministerial East India proprietor, and concludes with the following remarks upon Mr. S's propositions.

The directors desired that they might have a power of borrowing (if neceffary) one inillion, until the ships arrived, and the goods were disposed of: but here is an absurd increafe of capital, at a time when the commerce is already engroffed by the carriage of the 'revenues, and the company can scarce employ the present capital.

The gentleman proposed to declare a dividend of fourteen per cent, at Christmas next.

This (had it been thought prac: ticable to pay it upon the present plan) would raise the price of stock at four hundred per cent. and what would the buyer gain? What would there be to answer fixteen millions (the value of the encreased capital, at four hundred per cent.). Nothing but what the coinpany now possess in their forts and ware. houses; for the two millions raised are disposed of in the third and fourth propositions. In short, this plan feems an exact counterpart to Sir John Blount's scheme ; both were to encrease the capital ; both to raise the dividend ; and both upon equal foundations. The only difference is, that in the one there never was any basis, in the other there was a very solid one ; but the projector was ingenious enough to remove it, as soon as he began his operation,

The

• The gentleman's design in offering these propositions seem's to be this: he hoped to drive the present directors from the helm of your affairs, and, had the proprietors been such gud. geons as to swallow the bait, he probably would have succeeded in his purpose ; for no man who had character or fortune to lose, would run the smallest risque of sitting in the direction, when the bubble should burst.'

27. A Defence of Mr. Sulivan's Propositions, with an Answer to the

Objections against them; in a Letter to the Proprietors of EaftIndia Stock. 8vo. Pr. 6d. Nicoll.

We think it needless to be particular in our review of this pamphlet, as the plan it recommends has been rejected by a majority of the East-India proprietors. We cannot, however, omit observing, that Mr. Sulivan's second proposition contains the very abfurdities which have been charged upon his adverfaries, for it absolutely establishes an imperium in imperio. It gives the company the property and direction, ift, of territory; 2d, of the army ; 3d, of the fortifications; all which can be vested in sovereign power alone. No English subject can pos fefs such power, because · he owes his allegiance, in whatever condition or climate he may be placed, to the crown of England. If the French and the English were at war in Europe, they could not be at peace in India, without the express consent of both soverigns. Without such consent on the part of his Britannic majesty, the English in India would be guilty of high-treason to carry on any correspondence with the French in that country, and vice versa.

28. Debates in the Asiatic Asembly. 8vo. Pr. Is. Nicoll.

This is the production of fome genuine son of humour, who laments that the greatest part of his materials maintain an eternal war with genius and common sense ; that many of the speeches which he presents to the public are compositions of pure, genuine, unadulterated nonsense; and he most fincerely begs pardon of the gentlemen by whom they were made, for having frequently fallen short of their original dulness.

The reader may easily guess that the Asiatic affembly mentioned in the title, is the meeting of the greatest trading company in England, or perhaps in the world. The scene is opened with the following speech made by Sir Janus Blubber, and the reader in perusing it needs not be inforined of the occasion on which it was delivered.

" Mr. President, Sir, as I intend to make a motion of the greatest importance to the welfare, and even to the existence

of

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