an univerfal maffacre enfued; nor age, nor fex, nor infancy were fpared; all conditions were involved in the general ruin. In vain did the unhappy victim appeal to the facred ties of humanity, hofpitality, family-connection, and all the tender obligations of focial commerce; companions, friends, relations, not only denied protection, but dealt with their own hands the fatal blow. In vain did the pious fon plead for his devoted parent; himself was doomed to fuffer a more premature mortality. In vain did the tender mother attempt to foften the obdurate heart of the affaffin, in behalf of her helpless children; fhe was referved to behold them cruelly butchered, and then to undergo a like fate. The weeping wife, lamenting over the mangled carcafe of her husband, experienced a death no less horrid than that which the deplored. This scene of blood received yet a deeper stain from the wanton exercife of more execrable cruelty than had ever yet occurred to the warm and fertile imagination of Eaftern barbarians. Women, whofe feeble minds received a yet ftronger impreffion of religious frenzy, were more ferocious than the men; and children, excited by the example and exhortation of their parents, stained their innocent age with the blackeft deeds of human butchery.' The perfons of the English were not the only victims to the general rage their commodious houfes and magnificent buildings were either confumed with fire, or laid level with the ground. Their cattle, though now part of the poffeffion of their murderers, because they had belonged to abhorred heretics, were either killed outright, or covered with wounds, turned loose into the woods and defarts, there to abide a lingering painful end. This amazing unexpected scene of horror was yet heightened by the bitter revilings, imprecations, threats, and infults, which every where refounded in the ears of the aftonished English. Their fighs, groans, fhrieks, cries, and bitter lamentations, were anfwered with " Spare neither man, woman, nor child; the English are meat for dogs; there fhall not be one drop of English blood left within the kingdom." Nor did there want the most barbarous insults and exultation, on beholding thofe expreffions of agonizing pain which a variety of torments extorted. This was the scene which Ulfter produced.'

Thefe are only the outlines of this horrid maffacre, which our au hor has more particularly described in notes, and which, as the observes very juftly, imprefs on the reader's imagination images of the moft horrid kind. They are, in fact, fuch as we cannot read without being concerned for the writer who is obliged to relate them. Juftice, however, requires us to quote the authorities brought by Mrs. Macaulay in fupport

of thofe horrid particulars, the chief of which are as follow: Milton's Eiconaclaftes-The Siege of Drogheda in IrelandAppendix to the Siege of Drogheda-Report of the Examinations taken before the Commiflioners appointed by the King's Authority-Remonftrance from Ireland-Borlaffe-TempleCart's Life of Ormond. According to cur author, the parliament of England omitted nothing which could re establish the public tranquility in Ireland; and we are ftrongly inclined to believe, from fome circumftances mentioned by Mrs. Macaulay, that the queen and the violent party about her perfon were by no means difpleafed that the Irish rebels made the oppofition which the king met with in the English parliament, their chief motive for the infurrection. Perhaps, when all the arguments adduced by our author have their full weight, they will amount to a proof that the plan of the maffacre was tranfmitted from Whitehall to Ireland. We fhall not, however, anticipate our reader's judgment in a point fo confeffedly delicate. Our hiftorian concludes the obfervations and arguments fhe has formed upon this fubject in the following very candid

manner.

It must be owned that the queftion, Whether Charles was or was not guilty of granting a commiffion to the rebels to rife, is involved in great doubts and difficulties. This parliament, the most auguft affembly that hiftory can boaft, in their vote for no more addreffes (in which, for the manifold crimes Charles had committed against his people, they abfolve them from any farther allegiance) gives it clearly against him. Milton, an author of the most refpectable character, both in regard to judgment and integrity, is of the fame opinion; as is also the author of the Mystery of Iniquity, a fenfible and ingenious trac, published in the year 1643; with other writers of note and reputation. On the other fide, many authors of judgment and candor, on various grounds, exculpate him from this accufa, tion. The author of this hiftory leaves it entirely to the candor of the reader, without prefuming to give any judgment on fo tender and difficult a point.'

Mrs. Macaulay reprefents the loyal reception which the king met on his return from Scotland, as having intoxicated his fenfes. He difiniffed the guard which the parliament had appointed for their own fecurity; he deprived Sir William Balfour of his lieutenancy of the Tower; and took the feals from Sir Henry Vane, besides iffuing a proclamation for restoring those ceremonies in the national religion which had been condemned by the houfe of commons Falkland, Culpepper, Hyde, Capel, and other members of the lower houfe now declared themfelves royalifts; and here, we apprehend, is the crifis in which

they

they pretended they could not farther join in the measures of oppofition, without unhinging the conftitution.. Our author feems to efpoufe a very different opinion; and we are forry to obferve, that the proofs of Charles's infincerity towards his people and parliament are too ftubborn to be invalidated by the moft violent royalift, who forms his judgment upon the principles of common fenfe. We are inclined to think, that had Charles crufhed all oppofition, the conceffions he made in favour of liberty would have been, as Mezeray expreffès it, like parchment oppofed to fteel. We fhall, however, refer the reader to the famous remonftrance drawn up at this time on that fubject, and which is too long to be inferted here.

The third chapter of Mrs. Macaulay's history describes the ill-advised attempt made by the king in perfon to feize the five members of the lower houfe, after having fent his fergeant at arms to demand them. As our hiftorian has mentioned fome particulars of this tranfaction not commonly known, we shall tranfcribe them.

The King, on the return of his ferjeant empty-handed, entered on the execution of the last part of his project; viz. the going himself in person with an armed force, taking the house at a furprize, and feizing the five members *. This was determined on the receipt of the meffage from the Commons; but the morning bringing more timid reflections, the King went to the queen's apartment, and expoftulated with her on the hazard of the attempt, expreffing fomething like a determination of not putting it in execution. The queen was transported with paffion at this want of refolution: “Go, coward! exclaimed this imperious woman, pull thefe rogues out by the ears, or never fee my face more." The fubmiffive husband obeyed, and went ftrait to the house of Commons, with a train of five hundred followers, The house having received intimation of the king's intention †, ordered the five

* According to a plan which had been previously laid, Lilly fays, that all Christmas time there were private whisperings in court, and, fecret councils held by the queen and her party, with whom the King fat in council very late many nights.

+ One captain Langrish rushed through the King's train, and brought the house intelligence of his hoftile appearance: at the fame time the affembly was informed, by one of its own members, that endeavours would be used that day to feize the five members. It is faid, the intimation came from the countess of Carlisle, who overheard the dialogue between the King and queen. Clarendon hints, that it caine from William Murray,

members to withdraw, left the house should be engaged in blood 1.'

Mrs Macaulay very juftly remarks, that Charles, by telling the house of commons he must have the persons accused where. foever he could find them, intimated that he meant to use force had they been in the house; though he afterwards called God to witness that he did not intend to use violence. She observes, that the king's affected arts of popularity when he came into the city, as well as his inviting himself to dine with the fheriffs, procured him no mark of applause or approbation. We next meet with a detail of the other injudicious fteps this unfortunate monarch took, which ferved only to encrease the public diftruft of his intentions; and the chapter concludes with an account of the proceedings against the duke of Richmond, and the impeached bishops of the queen's leaving the kingdom; the queen's retiring northward, and a farther hiftory of the affairs of Ireland; all which facts the reader will find stated in a manner new and entertaining.

The fourth chapter carries the hiftory down to the commencement of the civil war, when the king erected his standard at Nottingham; and the volume clofes with the triumphant ftate of the king's affairs after he had taken Bristol, which is thus reprefented by our author.

The queen, who by the two houses had been voted guilty of treason, marching from the North with a body of two thoufand foot and one thousand horfe, with artillery, arms, and ammunition, was by the parliament's general fuffered to pafs

of the bed-chamber: but the fufpicions of this author are feldom well grounded. Murray was fo far from acting as a spy for the oppofition, that, in a refolution of the Commons' house, he, among others, is particularly objected to, as improper to be trufted about the perfon of the King. Lilly the aftrologer fays, that whilst he was at dinner at Whitehall, Sir Peter Wich, one of the court attendants, burst into the room, and broke open the cheft which contained the arms: the action frighted the whole company; and one of then ran to inform fome members of the Commons' houfe, that the King had

hoftile intentions.

" Mr. Strode was unwilling to withdraw; but the house infifted on his obedience, to prevent the inconvenience of defending their privilege by force of arms. The fix members re-. paired for fhelter to a house in Coleman-street in the city. The lord Digby was mad enough to offer to go with a select company of gentlemen, and to bring them away, or leave them dead on the place.'

without

without interruption; and joining the King at Edg-hill on the very day that he gained the battle of Roundway-Down, they entered Oxford în triumph. Bath having furrendered itself inmediately after the defeat of Waller, the Oxford forces under the command of prince Rupert, and the Cornish army under the command of the marquis of Hertford, joined in an attempt on the city of Briftol; a place fo well defended by nature, and a ftrong garrifon provided with all neceffaries, that the Cornish troops, having made a vigorous attack, were repulfed with confiderable lofs; whilft the army under the command of prince Rupert affaulting that part of the town which was more penetrable, forced the outworks, and entered the fuburbs; but after a loss equal to what their comrades had fuftained, found the entrance into the town more difficult, and better defended than that they had passed, and where their horfe would be of no fervice. In this juncture, envy, treachery, rashness, and cowardice, combined their feveral influences to ruin the public caufe, at the very time when the commanders of the royal army began to regret an affault which, without profpect of fuccefs, had deprived them of many of their beft officers, and great numbers of their men. Nathaniel Fiennes, the governor of Bristol, better skilled to fight the battles of Liberty in the fenate than the field, being taken with a fudden panic, beat a parley; and after a treaty which lafted no more than eight hours, delivered up the city, on the fhameful conditions, that the garrifon fhould march out without their arms, colors, cannon, or ammunition, except the officers, with a fafe convoy. to Warminster, and not to be molested in their march for three days. There were fome other articles in favor of the liberties of the city, and the fecurity of the perfons and properties of all the inhabitants; but they were fo ill obferved, that on the pretence, that the articles of capitulation of the garrison of Reading had been infringed by the parliament's army, the foldiers, after delivering up their arms, inftead of a safe-conduct, according to the conditions of the treaty, met with infults and ill usage from the brutal licence of the enemy; and thofe inhabitants of the city who were thought difaffected to the cause, were bafely plundered. The reduction of Bristol, which for population, riches, and trade, was fecond to the capital, and fuperior to every other city in the kingdom, gave the King the entire poffeffion of Somerfetfhire, a large and opulent county. The condition of the parliament's forces in Dorfetshire and Devonshire were fo languifhing, that the total reduction of the Weft waited but the leifure of the enemy.

Birmingham in Warwickshire, and Lichfield in Staffordfhire, had been furrendered to prince Rupert, in an expedition