to manhood before the claims of the Catholics in their actual extent had ever been heard of, and before any statesman would have ventured to espouse them, had they been advanced. While he thus disapproved of the conduct of the Irish Catholics, he entreated the House not to be diverted by a just indignation at their extravagant proceedings, from the permanent state of the question. It would probably be the duty of that House to concur in some measure to curb their licentious spirit; but that done, their lordships ought to consider anxiously, whether the state of the Catholics was one that could continue; and whether, if the admission of the Catholics to the stations from which they were excluded, were an evil, it was not a less evil than their discontent in good times, and their possible disaffection in bad ones. In congratulating the country on the assurances which his majesty continued to receive from all the governments of Europe, of their amicable and friendly dispositions, the noble viscount observed, that this general peace rested on the secure foundation of strength united with moderation. The only contest which existed in Europe was, not between governments, but parties. There were two great parties-one desiring to restore the ancient order of things, and the other constantly striving after some new order. The former were not contented with that order which existed before the revolution, but wanted something more despotic; such as had been adopted by mankind in an uncivilized age. They did not like our form of government, and naturally looked on our national institutions as a pregnant source of principles which they

always dreaded, and wished to repress. The other party were desirous of destroying every thing which existed; and the only remedy they could find for all the evils of mankind was, to sweep away every institution which had long been held in veneration. They were, while they boasted of their attachment to freedom, extremely narrow and illiberal; and however they might differ among themselves, they were all actuated by a bitter hatred towards this country. They were not sincere in their love of liberty, of which they talked so much; for they had crouched down before Buonaparte, and worshipped him, and had endeavoured to reduce England to an imperial province. They were the enemies of all the principles of national liberty or national independence; and the institutions of this country they above all things abhorred. They resembled their predecessors, the Jacobins, but had less sincerity: and it was only when they were subdued by their opponents, that they called out loudly for liberty, by which they meant power. They now complained, that this country had not done that which would have proved its injury, if not its de

struction.

In the recognition of the South American states, lord Dudley and Ward contended, that we had proceeded with caution, justice, and delicacy. It was a difficult ques tion to decide, where insurrection ended, and legal government began: and his majesty's government had not pretended to determine where allegiance ought to end and lawful resistance begin; but had acted openly upon the undisputed fact of those states of South America, with which treaties had

been concluded, being actually independent. Our intercourse had grown with their growth, and strengthened with their strength; and had at length become complete, as their independence had become unquestionable.

Lord Gort seconded the Address. Lord King then made a speech, in which he was too intent upon being witty to trouble himself about sense: the wit consisted in describing the members of the cabinet by Turkish titles. The marquis of Lansdown gave his hearty concurrence to all that had been said concerning the internal prosperity of the country, and the wisdom of its foreign policy in the recognition of the independent states of South America. That part of the Speech which touched upon the state of Ireland, he regarded as peculiarly important; and he went at some length into the subject, cautioning ministers not to be hasty in repressing open complaint, and not to beguile themselves with the idea of curing a malady, merely by removing the outward symptoms. After a few observations from lord Liverpool, which did not bring forward any new topic, lord Donoughmore and lord Clifden expressed their disapprobation of that part of the Speech which related to the Catholic Association. Lord Roden, on the other hand, contended, that that body had been allowed too long to pursue their dangerous career without molestation. The Address was then agreed to without a division.

In the House of Commons the Address was moved by lord Francis Leveson Gower, in a very neatly worded speech, which was received with the kind indulgence usually

shown by that assembly to the early efforts of y young men of powerful connexions and great expectancies. Mr. Alderman Thompson seconded it. Mr. Brougham was the first member who spoke from the opposition side of the House. He began by observing, that in giving his assent, and in joining his congratulations to those contained in the address upon many of the points noticed in the Speech, he could not claim for himself any extraordinary stretch of candour. He was rather withheld, as indeed were many of the friends around him, by a feeling of modesty, from giving their due meed of praise to the measures alluded to; since those measures which were now the theme of so much eulogy, were measures which the gentlemen on his side of the House had urged years ago, but in vain, upon those who at that time were intrusted with the administration of the country. For years the House had been told, that it was either a wild chimera, or a dangerous innovation, to talk of the doctrines of a free trade, and of the right of men to employ their capital and their industry according to their interests, their wishes-ay, or even according to their caprices. At one time, when it pleased the ministry to view them with contempt, these doctrines were described as a visionary code, specious in theory, but impossible in practice; and at another, when it pleased our rulers to excite alarm against them, they were viewed with as much detestation and abhorrence, as if they had been a leaf taken out of that book which some men thought they could never sufficiently detest and abhor, "The Rights of Man," by Thomas Paine. He had himself heard them treated as idle chimeras by one set of

ministers, and as jacobinical innovations by another; and yet he, who had seen them first contemned and then abhorred, had now the happiness to say, that they had reached the consummation of their glory, not merely in being adopted by ministers, but in being publicly recognized, both in the Speech which had just been delivered to them from a high quarter, and also in the addresses which were about to be returned to it by both Houses of Parliament. The House would see, that it required but little candour in him to approve those parts of the Speech, which referred to the late mercantile reforms. Eight years ago he had himself expounded-very inadequately, he admitted, but still he had expounded-the very alterations in the Navigation laws which had lately been adopted: and, by so doing, he had drawn down upon himself the heavy disapprobation of a great guardian of the commercial interests of the country, -the late Mr. Rose. He had ventured, however, to preach them more than once-ineffectually, indeed, at the time, but, as it now appeared, with undeniable ultimate success. At the same time, he had also proposed the changes which had recently been adopted with regard to the silk trade. They were assailed, on his first propounding them, with great and extraordinary severity: he was told over and over again, that nothing could be more speculative, nothing more absurd, that though they might appear very plausible in theory, every person in the trade considered them inapplicable to practice: and he was even met by the taunt, that what he advanced might be very true, but that it looked very much like an ingenious sophism. Ministers had, however, sanctioned such

principles: they had carried into effect all the detestable nostrums of that side of the House: they had taken an entire leaf out of the book of their opponents: they had even enacted measures to legalize the damnable heresies of Adam Smith and the Scotch economists, and to stamp with that odious name the opinions of their adversaries: nay more, the country was now called to thank God for having ministers who had courage to support such measures, though it was formerly called upon to thank God for having ministers who had courage to oppose them.

His majesty's ministers would, he hoped, go on in the course on which they had entered. If they did not, their work would be only half accomplished. What they had done was chiefly to be prized as a pledge that a better policy than the past would be pursued in future. For example, they had adopted the recommendations which he had proposed in 1817 regarding the navigation and the silk laws. Now, another of the measures which he had recommended was one that had never been described as either so chimerical or so abominable, as either of those which had been recently adopted, and might be easily carried into effect. Let the wine duties be at once reduced; and let there be not only a reduction, but an equalization of these different wine duties for all foreign countries-in fact, a general and total revision of that arrangement, which was made under the name of the Methuen treaty, at a time, and under circumstances, when a far different foreign and domestic policy prevailed from that which ought at present to regulate the affairs of such a kingdom as Great Britain. One good effect which

would immediately arise from such a revision, would be the establishment of a better understanding with the French government, the lowering of the duties upon other French articles, and the increase, which he had no doubt would be consequent upon such a reduction, of the foreign consumption of British manufactures.

Another branch of his majesty's Speech gave him sincere satisfaction: he meant the recognition of some of the great empires in South America. How much of this policy belonged to the country, which had so strongly and repeatedly called for it-how much of it belonged to the executive government-how far the ministers had been driven into it-how little was the speed of their march-how small was their reluctance, or what was the measure or degree of their readiness, to do this justice to the country and to those new states ;-it were now, perhaps, unnecessary, if not invidious to inquire. But all men would know and feel how much of it belonged to sir J. Mackintosh, who had shown himself the uniform, powerful, learned, and consistent advocate of those early and liberal views of enlightened colonial policy, which now at length met the assent of his majesty's government. He would not, however, on this occasion, quarrel with the share which the government had had in promoting the recent improvement. It was a great good to the country, at all events: if done by the ministers themselves, they deserved thanks for it; if done in obedience to the voice of the country, equally ought they to be praised for listening to the suggestion. The recognition had luckily taken place at last; and, however tardy the acknowledgment, still it was gratifying to

find, that it was not the price of any unworthy traffic, or paltry barter for mere commercial views. But was the display of liberal policy to stop here? Were the ministers never to do justice nearer home? Were they never to listen to the voice of Ireland? Was it there alone that sound policy was to be overlooked; and that, too, where one half of the empire was concerned? Upon that subject the country had an absolute right to have the undivided opinion, clearly expressed, of an intelligible and distinct cabinet? It was worse than idle to say, that the condition of Ireland was the only question on which a cabinet might be divided. We had proof, that there were too many opinions in which our ministers were far from concurrence. It was only last session, that the country witnessed one honourable colleague introducing in that House a change in the silk laws; and witnessing also, the same measure thrown out in the upper House by another noble colleague, who was upholden in that object by other members of the same administration. Measures, once designated by some of the members of the cabinet as Jacobinical, had at length been carried by the wisdom and manliness of the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Canning); who, backed as he was by public opinion on this question, backed by those who filled the benches around, would have triumphed, even had he been obliged to have left office on such grounds. Was he not bound, then, to follow up his principles, and let Ireland have the benefit of them, by giving to the Catholics the relief which they sought. I ask, said Mr. Broughham, the friends of Catholic emancipation in his majesty's government, why, having, as councillors

of the king, been enabled to carry measures which were opposed by the self-same persons, who refuse Catholic concession, they do not exercise, in the latter case, the power which has been triumphant in the former? They have not made the experiment. How, then, can they tell that it would not be successful? Of what are they afraid? What is their ground of alarm? Do they think that any one of their co-adjutors, some man of splendid talents, of profound learning, of unwearied industry, would give up his place? Do they think he would resign his office; that he would quit the great seal? A more chimerical apprehension never entered the brain of a distempered poet. Many things may surprise me, but nothing would so much surprise me as that the noble and learned individual to whom I allude, should quit his hold of office while life remains. In his generous mind, expanded as it has been by his long official career, there is no propensity so strong as a love of the service of his country. The more splendid the emoluments of a situation, the more extensive its patronage, the more he is persuaded that it is not allowed to a wise and good man to tear himself from it. I contend, therefore, that the right hon. gentlemen opposite underrate the firmness of their noble and learned colleague. Let them make the experiment; and if they succeed in wrenching power from his gripe, I shall thenceforward estimate them as nothing short of miracle-mongers. His present station the noble and learned lord holds as an estate for life. That is universally admitted. The only question is, whether he is to appoint his successor. By some it is

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supposed that he has actually appointed him, and I own I have observed several symptoms of such being the case. However, I do intreat, that the perseverance of this eminent person may be put to the test. Let the right hon. gentleman say, he will resign, if the Catholic question is not carried in the cabinet let the noble and learned lord say, that he will resign if it is carried. I am quite sure of the result. The Catholic question would be carried; but the noble and learned lord would retain his place. He would behave with the fortitude which has distinguished him in the other instances in which he has been defeated; and the country would. not be deprived of his services for a single hour.

It is not surprising, continued Mr. Brougham, that the Catholics of Ireland have at length become impatient; and that, out of that impatience has arisen that Associa tion which we are called upon, in his majesty's Speech, to put down by strong legislative measures. The Speech talks of " Associations" in the plural; and not without an object. I warn the House, however, not to be taken in by the contrivance. That little letters, is one of the slyest introductions that Belial ever resorted to, in any of those speeches which are calculated to