tish fugitives into the rude retreats of their mountains and lakes, he marched with confidence to the northward. He reached Perth without oppofition; and the progress of fo formidable an army, headed by a prince renowned for his valour, fo alarmed the pufillanimous Baliol, that he abandoned all thoughts of further resistance, and refolved to make an humble appeal to the mercy of the haughty invader. He fent deputies to Edward, with an offer of refigning the Kingdom of Scotland to that monarch, who directed him to repair with his principal nobles to Brechin, to meet the bishop of Durham, who was vefted with full powers for treating with him. At this conference, John figned letters patent, containing a complete furrender of his crown and kingdom; and gave his fon as an hoftage for his compliance with this engagement. Edward ordered the unfortunate prince to be conveyed to England, where he remained fome years under a confinement not very rigorous.

Edward continued his northern progrefs without meeting with any moleftation from the difpirited Scots. When he had reached Elgin, he found no neceffity of proceeding to a greater distance, as no enemy appeared to difpute his authority. He therefore returned to the fouth; and, when he arrived at Scone, he feifed the celebrated stone on which the kings of Scotland were enthroned at the folemnity of their coronation, and which the vulgar superstition regarded as the palladium of the ftate. He is alfo accufed, by the Scottish writers, of having given orders for the deftruction or removal of the public records, as well as of the chronicles preserved in the monafteries, that no memorial might remain of the ancient independence of the kingdom. Having fummoned at Berwick a convention of the principal individuals of the Scottifa nation, he exacted from them the fubmiffions of homage and fealty, as well as a renunciation of the French alliance. He committed to the earl of Surry the government of the conquered kingdom; he appointed Walter of Agmondefham chancellor, Hugh Creffingham treasurer, and William Ormfby jufticiary. He delivered fome of the royal fortreffes to the care of Englishmen, and left the remainder in the cuftody of the former commandants. He made few changes among the fheriffs, the magiftrates of the burghs, or officers of inferior rank. When he had thus regulated the affairs of Scotland, and given directions for the gradual introduction of the reformed code of English law into that kingdom, he returned in triumph to the fouthern divifion of the island.'

The character of Edward I. is thus delineated:

Edward, the firft of that name from the Conqueft, was in his perfon tall, graceful, and majeftic; his conftitution was robuft and vigorous; and he was not deficient in regularity of feature, or in the general requifites of manly beauty. He excelled in those accomplishments which captivate the regards of the fuperficial admi-'

rers

rers of exterior performances. He diftinguished himself above moft of his cotemporaries by his activity and skill in equestrian exercises, in the sports of the field, and in the manœuvres of chivalry His address was engaging, and his elegance of manners attracted the admiration of those who enjoyed his fociety. In conversation he was affable, eloquent, and perfuafive; mingling the effufions of pleafantry with the most pertinent obfervations. In the more private tranfactions of his life, he was a strict observer of the laws of honour, and of the dictates of truth. He was a pattern of filial piety, a chafte and affectionate husband, a kind though vigilant parent, an humane and friendly mafter.

Few princes ever acceded to royalty with greater reputation than Edward. By his ability and courage, he had eminently contributed to the fuppreffion of an alarming rebellion, which had shaken to its centre the throne of his imbecile father. By his policy and judgment, he had imparted ftrength to the government, and vigour to the execution of the laws, which, amidst the indolence and neglec of Henry, had been rarely enforced. To the laurels acquired in his native country, he had added the fame of gallant exploits in the plains of Afia; and had revived among the infidels of Palestine the memory of English valour. In his return through France, he had fignalifed, in the rencontre of Chalons, his fuperior dexterity in the mimic evolutions of a tournament, as well as in the fudden tranfition to the attacks of real hoftility; and, in an age of chivalry, a general applause must have attended fo accomplished a knight, and fo able a warrior. Thus, admired for his excellence in the arts both of war and government, he fucceeded to the crown of a powerful kingdom; and his fubfequent conduct did not derogate from his earlier fame.

"In force of intellect, and comprehenfion of mind, Edward rivaled the moft celebrated of his predeceffors. Sagacious, thoughtful, and prudent, he formed the most judicious plans, and was generally fuccefsful in the execution of them. His merit as a legiflator procured him the appellation of the Juftinian of England. He reduced the chaos of law into a luminous order; made falutary alterations in the jurifdiction and practice of the courts; rendered juftice more eafy of accefs, more regular and determined; diligently watched the conduct of his judges, whose corruption he rigorously punished; enacted a variety of admirable statutes for the promotion of the most valuable purposes of fociety; and, in a word, he inftilled new life into the legal and political body.

• Blinded by the splendour of this prince's character, fome historians have affected to confider it as free from blemish or imperfection, and as exhibiting the union of every virtue. But faultlefs portrait does not belong either to this monarch, or to any other perfonage, who ever flourished; and there were fome vices in the compofition of Edward, which render his claim to fuch extravagant commen

dation much weaker than that of many other princes. These vices were, a difregard of juftice where his own paffions were concerned, and an immoderate ambition, a propenfity to defpotic acts, and an occafional adoption of fentiments of barbarity and revenge. Thefe imputations on his memory are fufficiently proved by the genuine narrative of his reign.

The great aim of Edward's internal government was to keep his fubjects of all ranks in strict fubordination to the laws. This was a difficult task in that turbulent age; and the accomplishment of it required a masterly hand. But the king's intrepidity and fortitude over-awed both clergy and laity, and the nobles as well as the commonalty. Some inftances, indeed, occurred of baronial disobedience and contumacy, which obliged even this fpirited prince to make occafional conceffions; but, for the most part, he found means to reprefs that licentioufnefs which, under a weak and negligent prince, would have terminated in an open defiance of the authority of the crown.'

The narrative of the reign of Edward II. is followed by a fuccinct hiftory of the English church, from the acceffion of Henry II. to that of Edward III. The account of Roger Bacon we fhall tranfcribe:

Roger Bacon, a Francifcan friar, was, without controverfy, the greatest man of the age in which he lived. He ftudied at the univerfities of Oxford and Paris; and acquired, by the union of a furprifing genius and intenfe application, fuch a degree of knowledge. as far furpaffed the attainments even of his most celebrated cotemporaries. His fkill in aftronomy, and in the various branches of natural philofophy, fubjected him to the fufpicion of being converfant in the magic art. His great fuperiority of knowledge excited the envy of his own fraternity; and being accufed of holding intercourfe with evil fpirits, he was imprifoned by the direction of the general of the order. Ha continued many years in confinement; and it is not improbable, that this rigorous treatment might partly arife from the liberality of his fentiments on the fubject of religion, which rendered him obnoxious to the bigots of that dark age. Notwithstanding the perfecutions which he endured from the prejudices of the times, he was enabled to make fuch difcoveries and improvements in art and fcience, as muft excite the aftonishment of those who confider the imperfect lights afforded him by the learning of the thirteenth century. He difcovered the art of constructing reading-glatics, telescopes, and feveral other conftituent parts of philofophical apparatus. He was fo converfant in the nature of the me chanical powers, as to invent or improve machines of general utility. He explained the compofition and ufe of gun-powder, though that deftructive combustible was not publicly known in Europe till new the middle of the fourteenth century, when Schwartz, a Ger

aan monk, claimed the honour of its invention. He obferved that error in the calendar, which afterwards occafioned the Gregorian correction of the ftyle. He devifed most of the operations practised in chemistry, and improved the art of healing the diforders of the human frame. In fhort, he was endued with a moft perfpicacious and comprehenfive genius, which penetrated into the receffes of knowledge and fcience, which enlightened the obfcurity of former ages, and paved the way for the progrefs of a Verulam and a Newton. This extraordinary man, who, though affifted in a pecuniary way by fome of his learned friends, of whom bifhop Gros-tête was the principal, never attained any important preferment, died in 1292, at the age of feventy-eight, in a monaftery belonging to his order at Oxford. Of his writings, fome have been printed, others are loft, and some are yet in manufcript. His Opus Majus, of which he fent a copy to pope Clement IV. is a valuable collection of fcientific tracts.'

From the narration of the reign of Edward III. we fhall felect the defcription of the battle of Crecy.

Edward had formed the intention of befieging Calais, being of opinion that the capture of a town fo conveniently fituated with refpect to England would be extremely conducive to the fuccefs of his future efforts against the French. He now directed his march thither, with a determination neither to force an engagement, nor to decline one when offered. When he reached Crecy, a small town in his hereditary county of Ponthieu, which Philip had wrefted from him, he commanded his troops to halt; and, expecting that his rival, elate with fuperiority of numbers, would attack him, he selected an advantageous fituation for his camp. He fixed on a gentle afcent, with a wood in his rear, which, as well as his flanks, he fortified with entrenchments. e arranged his army in three divifions. He committed the first line, confifting of near 11,000 men, to the charge of the prince of Wales; of the fecond, amounting to about 7000 combatants, the earls of Arundel and Northampton had the direction; and the third, comprehending 12,0co, he referved to himself.

After having refted at Abbeville, where the earl of Savoy joined the French army with a body of 1000 cavalry, Philip advanced to Crecy. The fatigue of a diforderly march not seeming to be a proper prelude to an engagement, he was advifed by fome of his officers to defer the attack till the next morning; and he therefore ilued orders for haiting. The van complied; but being preffed forward by the intractable eagerness of the following corps, they were, obliged to refume their march, and thus approached the enemy in great confufion. Philip endeavoured, though with little fucefs, to reduce his army into order; and it was imperfectly formed into three bodies. The first line commanded by John de Luxem

bourg

bourg, king of Bohemia, under whom were 3000 men at arms, 15,000 Genoese cross-bow-men, and upwards of 10,000 French in fantry. The fecond divifion was conducted by Charles count of Alençon, brother to Philip; and it was compofed of 4000 horfe and 20,000 foot. The king himself headed the third body, which confifted of about 9000 cavalry, and 40,000 infantry. Thus did the Gallic hoft contain more than thrice the number of Edward's army. The Genoefe began the conflict; but they were so warmly received by the English archers, that they were speedily put to flight, and fell back on the cavalry of the count of Alençon, who, regardlefs of the fate of these cowards (as he called them), preffed forward to the charge, trampling many of them to death. A furious affault was given by the count to the troops led by the prince of Wales; and the king of Bohemia joined in the attack. This monarch, though advanced in years, and almost blind, still retained the intrepidity which had fignalifed his youth; and rufhed with his knights into the heat of the action. Young Edward was fo preffed by fuperior numbers, that he found it difficult to maintain his ground; but being well fupported by the fecond line, he ably withstood all the 'efforts of the foe. Fresh multitudes of the French advancing continually, the earl of Warwick, who had been felected by his fovereign to act as the immediate affistant and the guide of the youthful prince, difpatched a knight to the king, to folicit his aid for his haraffed fon. The meffenger found the fenior Edward in a windmill on the fummit of the hill, viewing the progrefs of the engagement. Having asked whether his fon was dead, wounded, or unhorfed, he was gratified with an account of his being yet unhurt; and concluding that the diforderly impetuofity of the French would ultimately yield to the intrepid coolness and judicious conduct of his officers, and the well-directed valour of his men, he refolved not to advance with the third divific, till his interpofition became abfolutely neceffary to prevent the ruin of the other part of his army. "Go, faid he to the knight, and defire those who sent you to abftain from troubling me while my fon is alive. Let him endeavour to merit the honour of knighthood, which he lately received from my hands; and let the fame of a glorious victory be purchased by him and his fellow-combatants, without my interference or participation." This declaration being communicated to the prince and his companions, tended to augment their confidence and alacrity; and they continued the combat with fuch vigorous exertions, that they at length completed the rout of the two firft bodies of the French army. But the third line, commanded by Philip in perfon, remained yet to be vanquished; and this was of itself much fuperior to the whole force of the English. The confternation, however, which the difcomfiture of two fuch numerous divifions had produced, counterbalanced all the effects of Philip's gallant example. That prince fought for fome time with great refolution,