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of receiving the homage thus tendered, in the sense it was meant, ordered the noble earl to be placed under arrest. Well might he exclaim
“Tantæne animis cælestibus iræ ?” The arrest however was soon removed ; and with his enlargement a more rational course presented itself for his choice. His health requiring change of climate, he went abroad; and after spending fourteen months in travel beyond seas, he returned to London in a style that resembled the triumphant progress of a sovereign, and to present, as a peace-offering to her Majesty," a pair of the first silk stockings * ever seen in England.”
Once more restored to favour, he did not long maintain his position; but again lapsing into unlawful practices, by tampering in the question respecting Mary, Queen of Scotland, and the Duke of Norfolk, his son-in-law; he finally lost the queen's countenance, and was recommitted as a prisoner to the palace of Nonsuch. The dreams of ambition were now past. On his liberation, he retired from the political world to spend the remainder of his days in study and domestic seclusion, where he could moralise on the mad projects of ambition, the vexations and vanities of court life.
He died at Arundel
| House in the Strand, and was buried “ with solemn pomp and costly funerall” in the collegiate Chapel of Arundel, where his monument is still an object of no common interest to the stranger.
We shall next, in accordance with our plan, proceed to notice such passages in the history of the HOWARDS, Earls of Arundel, as may best exhibit some of the public services, the extraordinary events, or strking incidents in which they have severally been engaged. In these sketches, however, we purpose to exemplify the character of each by authentic traits of conduct in the field and the cabinet; in the noon of fame, and in the night of misfortune.
* This however did not "enable him to ascertain, according to the old English proverb, the exact length of her Majesty's foot!"-Anon.
THE HOWARD PAMILY.-GENEALOGY.
In a review of their history and achievements, however, our notice, strictly speaking, ought to commence at that period when the titles of Arundel and Norfolk became first united in the same Peer. But the task will not be tedious, and cannot be uninteresting, to present our readers with a genealogical epitome of the Howards of Norfolk.
The origin of this family is involved in obscurity, which the diligence of research appears to have rendered more obscure, making darkness visible. For antiquity's sake, however, it is sufficient to state that the name was of some distinction in the 13th century; and that the ancestor of the present family, John Howard of Wigen Hall, in Norfolk, was a Judge of Common Pleas, summoned to Parliament by Edward the First, and distinguished for e s his talents and public services. Sir Robert Howard, the fifth in regular
| descent, had the good fortune to contract a marriage alliance with the second daughter of Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and his Duchess Elizabeth, sister and co-heir of Thomas Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel. By her father's side, the noble bride was a grand-daughter of Margaret Plantagenet, whose father-Thomas de Brotherton—was the fifth son of Edward the First. This alliance, by connecting Sir Robert and his descendants with the blood royal of England, opened a path to those splendid honours by which they were subsequently distinguished. Sir John Howard, his immediate descendant, was promoted during the reign of three successive sovereigns to many high
posts of trust and dignity; and at last summoned to Parliament by the a title of Baron Howard. Thirteen years later he was elevated to the highest title in the peerage ; his son was created Earl of Surrey, by Richard the Third ; he was invested with the hereditary office of Earl Marshal of England ; dignities which his ancestors Mowbray, Thomas de Brotherton, and Roger Bigod, had severally enjoyed as Dukes of Norfolk. But the high honours thus showered upon him, were doomed very shortly after to be Llasted. The battle of Bosworth was at hand; he had “touched the highest point of all his greatness," and whilst
He bore his blushing honours thick upon him,
The following letter, written only a very few days previous to the battle, and addressed to the Sheriff of Norfolk, is a document of no inconsiderable interest :-“To my well-beloved Friend Juhn Paston, be this bill delivered in haste.-Well beloved Friend, I commend me to you, letting you to understand that the King's enemies be a-land, and that the King would have set furth as upon Monday, but only for our Lady-day ; but for certain he goeth forth as upon Tuesday, for a servant of mine hath brought to me the
certainty. Whereupon I pray you that ye meet with me at Bury, as upon Tuesday night, and that ye bring with you such company of tall men, as ye may goodly make at my cost and charge; beside that which ye have promised the King; and I pray you, ordain them jackets of my livery, and I shall content you at your meeting with me-Your lover, J. NORFOLK.”—Green.
One of the most important days in the annals of Great Britain was now at hand. The royal family was nearly extinct; the nobility was sadly diminished and cut off; the nation itself was thinned of its best and bravest inhabitants the sad results of twelve sanguinary engagements; and again two formidable armies had taken the field under two of the ablest politicians that ever hoisted the standard of ambition or revenge.
On this memorable day King Richard's front was commanded by the subjects of this notice, John Duke of Norfolk, and his son, the Earl of Surrey; the second by Richard in person; and the right wing by Henry, Earl of Northumberland. Richmond's front, being very inferior in numbers to that of his rival, was thinly extended over a wide surface, so as to present a more formidable appearance, and was commanded by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, whose father and brother had both perished on the scaffold in support of the house of Lancaster. De Vere was also first-cousin to Norfolk, whose blood he was destined to shed on this disastrous field. The other divisions of Richmond's army were led by Sir John Savage, and Sir Gilbert Talbot ; while Richmond himself took up a conspicuous station in the field under his uncle the Earl of Pembroke.
After a night of fearful preparation, Norfolk, in issuing forth early in the morning, discovered the following rhyme rudely pencilled on the door of his tent- sadly ominous of the event at hand
“ Jack of Norfolk, be not too bold,
For Dickun, thy master, is bought and sold."
The battle, now set in array, commenced with a discharge of arrows; after which, the Earl of Oxford, in order to concentrate his forces, issued a command, that every man should fight close to his standard. In this movement, Norfolk and Oxford, leading their respective vans, approached each other.
* Shakspeare, in his Richard the Third, has in. troduced this incident into the opening scene of the battle. NORFOLK. This found I in my tent this morning.
[Giving a scroll. RICHARD. (reads] “ Jocky of Norfolk, be not
too bold, Ful Vickon, tny master, is bought and sold."
A thing devised by the enemy.
[Then dismissing them, continues
King Richard III. act v. sc. 3.
BOSWORTH FIELD. -DEATH OF NORFOLK.
With a rancour sharpened at this moment by their very relationship, each singled out the other as an object worthy of his lance. With cool determined intrepidity they dashed forward to the rencontre; and shivering their spears at the first thrust, drew their swords and resumed the trial of strength and skill. Rushing in upon his antagonist's guard, Norfolk's powerful arm made a sweeping blow at the head of De Vere; but the blade glancing down from his polished helmet failed in its effect, and only wounded him in the left arm.
Quickly recovering his balance, and exasperated by the dread of discomfiture more than the pain of his wound, Oxford returned the blow with tremendous effect; hewed the visor from Norfolk's helmet, and thereby exposed his face to the missiles that were falling in showers around them. Oxford, like a generous knight, disdaining to take advantage of his gallant adversary, instantly dropped the point of his weapon. But his forbearance did not save his noble kinsman; for, at the same instant, struck in the forehead by a shaft which penetrated the brain, Norfolk made a convulsive spring in the saddle, and fell prostrate on the field. Oxford, deeply affected by his death, sadly exclaimed—“ A better knight cannot die, though he might in a better cause !"
The result of this day needs not to be told; but the anecdote of the young Surrey, embarked in the same cause, and in fulfilment of the same oath of fidelity which bound his father to the standard of King Richard, is worth repeating in this place.
During the heat of the battle, conscious of his father's fall, and exhausted by extraordinary exertions of mind and body, he was surrounded by a powersul body of his antagonists, each of whom was ambitious to distinguish him
self by disabling or making him prisoner. Observing at this moment the brave Sir John Stanley in the last charge, Surrey presented to him the hilt of his sword, and said, “ The day is your own, there is my sword; let me die by yours—but not by an ignoble hand !” “God forbid,” replied the generous Stanley—“live for new honours. Stanley will never shed the blood of so brave a youth. No fault attaches to you! the error was your father's !" “ What !” rejoined Surrey, again recovering his sword; “ does the noble Talbot insult the vanquished ? Loyalty, Sir Knight, is the watchword of our house. My father revered the sacred authority of the king, though he lamented the errors of the man. Never shall I repent the choice I have made, seeing that it can leave no stain upon my honour. Whoever wears the crown, him will I fight for; nay, were it placed on nothing better than a stake in that hedge, I would draw my sword in its defence.”
The same frank and gallant bearing in the presence of Richmond after the oattle, secured for young Surrey the royal confidence.
The scene is thus described by Sir John Beaumont, in his “Bosworth Field"
Courageous Talbot had with SURREY met;