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immediate son, David must have acknowledged his supremacy the moment he was proclaimed king in his stead : how much more was he bound to acknowledge the Messiah as his Lord, who was to be king over the whole earth, and to whom all other kings were to be tributary? But when they had the question put to them, how the siah could be at once David's Son and David's Lord, they were perfectly non-plussed ; “ And no man was able to answer him a word, neither durst any one from that day forward ask him any more questions.” Matt. xxii. 46.
The external evidence in favor of Adonai is the Cassel MS. that of De Rossi marked 379, the first head, and number 36 of the same collection, which seems originally to have read 77 JEHOVAH. But this evidence of itself would be altogether insufficient to establish the view here taken of the word, opposed as it is by the whole body of MS. authority besides, in favor of Adoni. However, the construction of it by our Lord, taken in connection with the actual application of Adonâi, in the 5th verse, to the same exalted personage, most decidedly outweighs the evidence on the other side. In that verse it is said Adonai, or, “ the Lord on thy right hand,” &c. who is evidently no other than the 'N who is addressed in the first verse in these words, “ Sit thou on my right hand,” &c. The writer, after having represented Jehovah as inviting the Messiah to assume the reins of mediatorial government, addresses himself directly to the Messiah, celebrating His praise and victory. He next announces the immutable oath by which he was constituted a royal Priest, and then suddenly invoking Jehovah, adds : “ Adonâi, at thy right hand,” &c. That the passage must be thus interpreted
appears from the circumstance, that if it be viewed as addressed to the Messiah, then the Father would be represented as being at the right hand of the Son, which is opposed to the representation given in the first verse, and in other parts of Scripture.
It may be necessary to add here, in support of Adonâi being the true pointing of the 5th verse, that 19 of Dr. Kennicott's Codices ready Jehovah, which is only the exchange of one name for another. One MS. has “Adoni Jehovah,” thus supplying the ellipsis, and another has a mark of omission after Adoni, from which it may be concluded, that “ Jehovah” was supplied in the codex serving as its exemplar, or at least that it occurred to the mind of the copyist, though he did not insert it.
(5) Isa, vii. 14, as applied to the birth of Christ in Matt. i. 23, has generally been considered as a proof of his divinity, but the title 589299 Immanuel, which signifies “God with us,” though it may mean God in our nature, yet it does also clearly signify God on our side, as in ch.viii. 10; Ps. xlvi. 8, 10; and therefore this passage should not be pressed so as to be made to furnish an independent, positive, and conclusive proof, when at the most all that it presents is only accessory and corroborative evidence. The title was never given to our Lord as a proper name. What it indicates is, that through Him we should be furnished with the most signal manifestation of the divine favor, and experience in the highest degree the divine aid.
(6) Isa. viii. 13—18. That the person spoken of, and who is also partly the speaker, in these verses, is the Messiah, appears on the following grounds :
The language of the prophecy is expressly applied to Him in the New Testament—First, by Simeon, speaking under the teaching and impulse of the Holy Spirit, Luke ii. 34;-secondly, by Paul, Rom. ix. 32, 33, where he connects with it Isaiah xxviii.16;--thirdly, by Peter, 1st Ep. ii. 8; ii. 15; though this latter passage cannot be adduced as an incontrovertible proof, the reading tov Xplotov, though plausible, being supported only by three uncial MSS. viz. A. B. C. by the three cursive MSS. 7, 13, 33, the margin of 69, both the Syriac versions, the Coptic, the Vulgate, and the Armenian ditto, and by the fathers Clemens, Vulgentius, and Jerome. Fourthly, by the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, ch. ii. 13. With this evidence, every one who obeys the inspired authority of the New Testament writers, ought to be satisfied. He who was to be “ for a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence to both the houses of Israel,” but an asylum to all who believed in Him, is expressly called “Jehovah of liosts,” a name given to none but the true God.
b. But again, the terms of the passage do not admit of application to any but Christ. We may easily conceive of Jehovah as “a sanctuary,” or
a refuge;" but He is nowhere else represented as "a stone of stumbling, and a rock of offence, a gin and a snare."—Wherever these are spoken of, there is something presented to the view in connexion with human nature, something visible and tangible, with which men were brought into immediate contact, but which there is a manifest incongruity in ascribing absolute-ly to Jehovah. What constituted the great stumbling block and rock of offence to the Jews, was the mean appearance of Christ, and that “ He, being ‘a man, made himself equal with God.”
The passage is strictly parallel with ch. xxviii. 13, 16; and requires to be analogically interpreted.
d. It is applied to the Messiah by the Jews themselves, in the Talmudic tract called Sanhedrim.
(7) Isa. ix. 6, 7. Here the Messiah is evidently the subject of Prophecy : and according to the well-known Hebrew usage, to be called by any name is to be what that name imports. Among other striking epithets here specified, is 7122 5w, El Gibbor, “the mighty God.” Gesenius prefers rendering these words, “the mighty Hero,” but he is forced to acknowledge that they are used in application to Jehovah, ch. x. 21; so that, according to the usage of the writer, we are necessitated, on philological principles, to apply them in the same way in both places. El is one of the common names for God, and Gibbor is the adjective qualifying it. The proper Hebrew phrase for hero is 192 08 Ish Gebber, “a mighty man;" but no instance can be produced in which the combination under review is applied to man.
(8) Isa. xl. 3, 5, 9, 11, require no comment. John the Baptist is predicted as the forerunner of the Messiah, who is announced as Jehovah ; God, the God of the cities of Judah, Jehovah God. Comp. Ezek. xxxiv. 31, John X. 11, 14, 30, 33.
(9) Isa. xlv. 21-25. See the application of this passage to Christ, in Rom. xiv, 11. ; Phil. ii. 10, 11.
(10) Jer. xxiii. 5, 6. This is expressly applied in the Targum and elsewhere by the Jewish Rabbins, to the Messiah. Comp. ch. xxxiii. 15, 16; where the text has undergone some alteration. Several MSS. and the Syriac version read as in ch. xxiii. 5, 6.
(11) Zech. xii. 10. The antecedent to % Elai, on me," is Jehovah, consequently both a divine and a human nature are here pointed out. Many MSS. read 19 Elo, " on him ;” but the most ancient, and the greatest number, with all the ancient versions, support the reading of the textus receptus.
(12) Zech. xiii. 7. The word here rendered “ my fellow," points out the perfect equality of the person or thing to which reference is made, with some other person or thing at the same time mentioned, or in the mind of the speaker. In the law of Moses, (Lev. v. 20 ; xviii. 20 ; xix. 15, &c.) it signifies “ a neighbour,” one who in point of civil rights and privileges was in every respect equal to another, and in these passages is expressively rendered by Gesenius, a fellow-man. On the passage before us, however, he most preposterously remarks : por 2 Geber Amithi, “my neighbour, spoken by Jehovah of the Jewish nation !” Equally improper is the rendering of the LXX. Avopa ToliTTV MOV “ the man, my fellow-citizen,” yet it has been followed in some modern versions. In a Jewish-Spanish version it is given, “ the man, my companion ;” and De Wette, though decidedly hostile to the doctrine of the Deity of Christ, translates it," the man my equal,” which is clearly the true sense. See. Isa. xl. 25; Ph. ii. 6.
(13) Mal. iii. 1.7178,7 Hå Adon, with the article as here, is never applied to any but Jehovah; yet “the Messenger" or Angel of the Covenant,” who can be none but the Messiah, is thus designated.
VII.-Some Account of Native Education, as conducted by the
American Mission, in Ceylon—by one of the Missionaries.
The Mission was commenced in 1816, by four Missionaries, of whom two were soon removed by sickness and death. The prejudices of the Tamulians, or native inhabitants of Jaffna and other northern and eastern parts of Ceylon, are much stronger than those of the Cingalese, who inhabit the southern and interior parts of the island, against all interference with their customs or religion, whether by education or preaching the Gospel. As they are Hindoos, attached to the Brahminic system, and hedged round by the rules of caste, most of the difficulties found in the way of promoting Chris. tian instruction in Bengal, and other parts of Continental India, were found among the Tamulians of Jaffna; the restrictions of caste are, however less, and the desire for information perhaps greater, than they generally are in Bengal.
Efforts were early made by the Missionaries, then occupying two stations, about nine miles apart, to establish village schools for native boys and girls, in some few of which it was at first proposed to teach English as well as
Tamul. Girls could, however, by no means be induced to attend school; and teaching English to boys in the villages, whose attendance would be irregular, and could not be depended on for a sufficient length of time to give them any thing more than a smattering of English, of little use to them in any business they might pursue, and of no value as an instrument of acquiring any art or science, was found to promise but little benefit, and was therefore given up. Tamul schools for boys, in which Scripture lessons were regularly taught, were soon formed in several villages; and though looked on at first with suspicion, were in course of a few months in favour among the natives, the most respectable of whom readily sent their sons to them for instruction.
The teaching of English, however, to a select number of lads, who could be kept under instruction a sufficient length of time, to secure a pretty thorough knowledge of the language, and through that open the way to the stores of English literature and European science, was considered an im. portant object ; and one no less important was, to separate heathen lads from immediate connexion with their idolatrous parents, and other relations, and bring them under an immediate and direct Christian influence, so as to prepare
for their conversion to Christianity. To accomplish both these objects, charity boarding schools were opened, in which children were to be fed, clothed, and educated, for a number of years, in immediate connexion with a Mission family. It was proposed that the children, male and female, should receive Christian names, to be designated for them by such individuals or societies as would take upon themselves to pay for their support, which was estimated as £3 a year. The proposition met the warm approbation of many friends in America, and support was soon provided for as many children as could be conveniently taken. But there was great difficulty in inducing the children to accept of the proffered privileges. At first no girls could be obtained. A few boys, of poor parents but of good caste, at length overcame their fears and prejudices, so as to come to one of the stations. Afterwards some poor girls were induced to join the school at the same place. Afterwards a small school was commenced at the other station, and when, in 1820, the Mission was enlarged by the addition of four other married Missionaries, and three additional stations were taken, preparations were made for a boarding school, of thirty or forty of both sexes, at each of the five stations.
At this time a bungalow for the boys to eat and sleep in, another for the girls, and a school-room for both, were all the buildings thought necessary. Å school-master for Tamul, or for Tamul and English, was employed, but as far as practicable, the schools were taught on the monitorial plan ; the missionaries, or more commonly their wives, having a general superintendence, and hearing the recitations of the classes in English. The children were all required to be present at morning and evening prayers—to study Christian lessons—to attend divine service on the Lord's day—and to forsake heathenish practices. No compulsion of course was used; but these were the terms of admission; to which the children and parents readily consented. They seemed to think it proper that, while supported by the Mission, the children should conform outwardly to Christianity, and Aattered themselves that when they left the schools, they could again easily return to heathenism. In some cases a fear lest Christian principles should take too deep root, in the minds of the children, to be afterwards eradicated, led their friends to call them home after a time; but in general there was little anxiety manifested on the subject.
The principal difficulty was on the ground of caste; and as it could be overcome only by degrees, the children were allowed to have a cook of a suitable caste—to have water from a well appropriated to their use—and,
in one instance, for a time, to take their food in a house near, and not on, the Mission premises. Different castes were not generally taken, at least not low castes; but soon these distinctions were little thought of, and gradually ceased to give any trouble.
The routine of a school, through a day, at this time was as follows: About day-light all the children were called up, by the sound of a bell, and were expected to wash themselves and attend private devotions. At sunrise the bell was again rung for prayers in the church or chapel at the station, accompanied by the reading and brief exposition of a short portion of Scripture in the native language. This service was attended not only by the children, but by the servants, labourers, and native Christians at the station.--After prayers they had breakfast of cold rice and curds, or some similar dish. This they took as they did their other meals, seated in a row round their eating-room, with their hands, from a small brass dish before each one; a blessing being first asked by one of the number. After they had eaten and returned thanks, they went to a well, washed themselves and their plates, and then spent a little time in recreation.
At eight o'clock the bell rang for school, and the boys were assembled under their English teacher in classes until eleven, when their recitations were heard by the Missionary or his wife, who gave such instructions as seemed necessary for their attaining a correct knowledge of the idiomsand pronunciation of English, which are both very difficult to Tamulians: the girls were, during the forenoon, generally employed in sewing.
At twelve o'clock the school was dismissed, for a season of recreation, and at one all had dinner of rice and curry. Half an hour after this, they were assembled again in the school-room, and pursued their
studies in Tamul until five o'clock, when the school was closed by prayer. Every Saturday all were required to bathe, and changed their clothes; the girls doing the same about the middle of the week also, it being more important for them, even than for the boys, to cultivate habits of cleanliness.
The Sabbath was wholly occupied in attending divine service, studying Christian lessons, or teaching classes in the Sunday-schools formed at each station, of children from schools in the villages, which, being of both sexes, were taught both by boys and girls. By the blessing of God upon these means for conveying Christian instruction to their minds, and impressing it upon their hearts, accompanied by serious and frequent private exhortation and prayer, several of the lads, and some of the girls, were early con. vinced of the truth, and appeared to embrace it in sincerity. Previously to the end of 1824, ten of the former and four of the latter had been received to Christian communion. In the beginning of that year a more pleasing and general work of grace was commenced, at each station, by the manifest in. fluences of the Holy Spirit, and continued in a greater or less degree most of the year. As the fruit of this awakening there were gathered into the Church, the following year, about fifty males and females ; most of them from these schools.--In 1830, there was another similar revival of religion, when more than sixty were added to the Church, the majority of them being still from the boarding schools*.
* The following extract of a joint letter from the Mission, dated August 8, 1831, will shew the proportion of hopeful converts received froin the schools :“ Since the first admission to our church, in 1816, there have been 204 admitted to Christian communion, of whom all but six are natives. Of these 117 have been connected with our boarding schools, 30 school-masters and superintendents, and 50 villagers, including some of our domestics. Of the last two classes 30 are more than 40 years old, 13 are over 50, one is 70, or upwards, and one above 80. Besides these, several others, of more than middle age, have died, giving hopeful