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indeed, were the odds against him, that we so called, with the single exception of the find in that fact the chief reason for the Russian contest, and that was highly indisposition of the world to believe in the exceptional in its character, — for fourpossibility of war, and its extraordinary and-forty years. The generation that is surprise when war actually broke out. passing away, and the generation that is
To those who had closely scanned the most active in discharging the business affairs of Europe, and who observed of the world, never had seen a grand conthem by the light of the history of nearly flict between Christian states, in which four centuries, the coming of war was no mighty armies had operated on vast and surprise. They foresaw it, and predicted various fields. Old men recollected the its occurrence some time before that fa- wars of Napoleon, but the number of such mous lecture which the Emperor of the men is not large, and their influence on French administered to the Emperor of opinion is small. Of quarrels and threats Austria in the person of Baron Hübner. of war all had seen enough; but this only With them, the question was not, Shall tended to make them slow to believe that there be a war ? — but it was, When will war was really at hand. If so many quarthe war break out? They reasoned from rels had taken place, and had been setthe cause of the quarrel between the two tled without resort to arms, assuredly the empires; while those who so long clung to new quarrel might be settled, and Euthe belief that peace would be preserved, rope get on peaceably for a few years and who so plausibly argued in support more without warfare. Neither the inof their theory as to impose upon well- vasion of Spain in 1823, nor the revolunigh the whole world, concerned them- tion of 1830, nor the Eastern question selves only with its occasion. The former of 1840, nor the universal outbreaks of referred to things that lay beyond the 1848–9, nor the threats of Russia against range of temporary politics, and, while Turkey when she sought to compel the admitting that the shock of actual con- Sultan to give up those who had eaten flict might be postponed even for a few his salt to the gallows of Arad, nor the years, were certain that such conflict must repeated discussions of the practicability come, even if in the interval there should of a French conquest of England had happen an entire change of government led to a general war. If so many and in France. France might be imperial, so black clouds had been dispersed withor royal, or republican,--she might be out storms, it was not unreasonable to beBonapartean, or Henriquist, or Orléans- lieve that the cloud which rose in the beist, or democratic,— tri-color, white, blue, ginning of 1859 might also break, and or red,— but the quarrel would come, and leave again a serene sky. It may be cause new campaigns. The latter, think- added, that we have all of us come to the ing that the dispute was on the Italian conclusion that this is the best age the question only, and knowing that that was world has ever known, as in most resusceptible of diplomatic settlement, and spects it is; and it seemed scarcely combelieving that there would be a union of patible with our estimate of the age's exEuropean powers to accomplish such set- cellence to believe that it could send a tlement, rather than allow peace to be couple of million of men into the field disturbed, never could suppose that the for the purpose of cutting one another's balance of probabilities would be found throats, except clearly as an act of selfon the side of war. It is due to them to defence. Man is the same war-making say, that a variety of causes conduced animal now that he was in the days of not merely to make them firm in their Marathon, but he readily admits the evils faith, but to win for their views the gen- of war, and is peremptory in demanding eral approbation of mankind. Prominent that they shall not be incurred save for among these was the striking fact, that good and valid reasons. He is as ready there had been no European war, strictly to fight as ever he was, but he must fight
for some definite cause,- for a cause that manner in which it was pursued by the will bear examination; and it did not ablest of the Valois kings, by Henry IV. seem possible that a mere dispute con- and Sully, by Richelieu and Mazarin, by cerning the manner in which Austria Louis XIV., by the chiefs of the First governed her Italian dominions was of Republic, and by Napoleon I. He may sufficient moment to light up the flames be a good man or a bad man, but his of war anew on a scale as gigantic as character is entirely aside from the quesever they were made to blaze during the tion, the nature and merits of which have days of Napoleon. Then, so far as the no necessary connection with the nature Russian War threw any light upon the and merits of the men engaged in effectpolicy of France, the fair inference was ing its solution. Let us examine the subthat she at least was not disposed to fight. ject, and see if we cannot find an intelliFrance made the peace by which that gent, reasonable cause for Napoleon's war was brought to a sudden end. She course of action, that shall harmonize dictated that peace, much to the disgust with the duties, we might almost say the of the English, who had just become instincts, of a great French statesman. thoroughly roused, and who, little antici- The examination will embrace nothing pating the Indian mutiny, were for car- recondite, but we are confident it will rying on the contest until Russia should show that the French Emperor is no be thoroughly humiliated. Considering all Quixote, and that he has been forced these things, it was not unreasonable to be- into the war by the necessities of his sitlieve that peace could be maintained, and uation, and by the very natural desire that Austria, far from taking the initia- he feels to prevent France from being tive in the war, would be found ready to compelled to descend to a secondary make such concessions as should lead to place in the scale of European nations. the indefinite postponement of hostilities. Modern Europe, in the sense in which
Those who reasoned from the mere oc- we understand the term, dates from the casion of the war were perfectly right, last quarter of the Fifteenth Century. from their point of view. Unfortunately Then England ceased to attempt permafor their reputation for sagacity, their nent conquests on the continent. Then premises were entirely wrong, and hence Spain assumed European rank and defithe viciousness of their conclusion. If we nite position. But two powers then bewould know the cause of the war, we gan especially to show themselves, and to must banish from our minds all that is play parts which both have maintained said about the desire of Napoleon III. for down to the present time. The one was vengeance on the conquerors of his uncle, France, which then ceased to dread Engall that we are told of his sentimental lish invasions, from the effects of which wish for the elevation of the Italian peo- she was rapidly recovering, whereby she ple to a national position, and all that is was left to employ her energies on foreign predicated of his ambitious longings for fields. The other was the llouse of Austhe reconstruction of the First Empire. tria, which, by a series of fortunate marWe must regard Napoleon III. in the riages, became, in the short period of forty light of what he really is, namely, one years, the most powerful family the modof the greatest statesmen that ever lived, ern world has ever known. On the day or we shall never be able to understand when Maximilian, son of Frederick III., what are his purposes. We have nothing Emperor of Germany, wedded Mary of to do with his morals, but have to regard Burgundy, daughter of Charles the Bold, him only as the chief of France, pursu- the rivalry between France and the Ausing the policy he believes best calculated trian family began. Philip, son of that to advance that country's interests, and marriage, married Juana, daughter of doing so in strict accordance with her Ferdinand and Isabella ; and their son, historical traditions, and in the same Charles I. of the Spains, became Charles
V. of Germany. Thus there centred in for its object the subversion of the Aushis person a degree of power such as no trian power. His assassination changed other sovereign could boast, and which the course of events for a few years; but alone would have sufficed to make him Richelieu became the ally of the Swedes the rival of the King of France, Fran- and Protestant Germans in the Thirty cis I., had no personal feeling entered Years' War, though he was a Cardinal, into the relations between them. But had destroyed the political power of the such feeling existed, and grew out of Huguenots, and might have aspired to their competition for the imperial crown. the Papacy. Mazarin, another Cardinal, The previous ill-will between the Valois followed Richelieu's policy. Louis XIV. and the Hapsburg was greatly increas- was repeatedly at war with the House of ed, and assumed such force as perina- Austria, though he was the son of an nently to color the course of European Austrian princess, and was married to history from that day to this. The rival- another. His last war with that house ry of Charles and Francis was the cause was for the throne of Spain, when the of many contests, and the French mon- elder branch of the Hapsburgs died arch, though he was “ The Most Chris- out, in 1700. Louis XV. had two contian King,” in the opinion of some, more tests with Austria ; but in 1756, under than once aided, or offered to aid, the the lead of Count Kaunitz, France and German Protestants against the Emper- Austria were united, and acted together or. To Philip II. and Henry II. the rival- in the Seven Years' War, the incidents ry of their fathers descended as an inher- and effects of which were by no means itance. It was in their warfare that the calculated to reconcile the French to the Battle of St. Quentin was fought. The departure of their government from its progress of the Reformation led mon- ancient policy. One of the causes of the archs in those days to take a view of French Revolution was the Austrian alliaffairs not much unlike that which mon- ance, and one of its effects was the comarchs of this century took in the days of plete rupture of that alliance. Austria the Holy Alliance, and after the revolu- was the most determined foe that the tion of 1830. The hatred of Protestant- French Republic and Empire ever enism led the two kings to draw together, countered. Including the war of 1815, though Henry II. had had no mean part there were six contests between Austria in that work which had enabled the and republican and imperial France. In Protestant Maurice of Saxony to render all these wars Austria was the aggressor, abortive all the plans of Charles V. for and showed herself to be the enemy of the full restoration of Catholicism in Ger France as well as of those French prinmany. During the thirty years that fol- ciples which so frightened the conservalowed the death of Henry II., the dissen- tives of the world in those days. In the sions of France had rendered her unable first war, she took possession of French to contend with the House of Austria, places for herself, and not for the House then principally represented by the Span- of Bourbon ; and in the last she purish branch of that family; and Philip II. posed a partition of France, long after at one time thought of obtaining the Louis XVIII. had been finally restored, crown of that country for a member of and when Napoleon was at or near St. his own house. But no sooner had Hen- Helena. She demanded that Alsace and ry IV. ascended the French throne, and Lorraine should be made over to her, in established himself firmly thereon, than the autumn of 1815. She sought to inthe rivalry of France and Austria became duce Prussia to unite with her by offeras clearly pronounced as it had been in ing to support any demand that she might the reign of Francis I.; and at the time of make for French territory; and, failing his death that most popular of the Bour- to move that power, endeavored to get bon kings was engaged on a plan having the smaller German States to act with her, — the same States, indeed, that are The rivalry of France and Austria benow so hostile to France, and which talking understood, and that rivalry leading to of a march upon Paris, and of a reduce war whenever occasion therefor chances tion of French territorial strength. Noth- to arise, it remains to inquire what is the ing prevented the Austrian idea from occasion of the existing contest. When being reduced to practice but the oppo- Napoleon III. became head of France, sition of Russia and England, neither of as Prince-President, at the close of 1848, which had any interest in the spoliation Austria was the last power with which of France, while both had no desire to he could have engaged in war, supposing see Austria rendered stronger than she that he had then been strong enough to
It was to England that Austria control the policy of France, and it had owed her Italian possessions, which, in suited him to make an occasion for war. 1814, she at first had the sense not to She was then engaged in her death-andwish to be cumbered with ; and to make life struggles with Hungarians, Italians, her still more powerful north of the Alps and others of her subjects who that year was not to be thought of even by the threw off her yoke, while the Sardinians Liverpools and Castlereaghs. The Czar, had endeavored to obtain possession of too, had in his thoughts a closer connec- Lombardy and Venice. Francis Joseph tion with France than it suited him then became chief of the Austrian Empire at to avow, and for purposes of his own; the same time that Louis Napoleon asand therefore he could not desire the cended to the same point in France. sensible diminution of the power of a Certainly, if the object of France had country the resources of which he ex- been the mere weakening and spoliation pected to employ. Nicholas inherited of Austria, then was the time to assail his brother's ideas and designs, and we her, when one half her subjects were are to attribute much of the ill-feeling fighting the other half, when the Gerthat he exhibited towards the Orléans mans outside of her empire were by no dynasty to his disappointment; for the means her friends, and when it was far revolution that elevated that dynasty to from clear that she could rely upon asthe French throne destroyed the hope sistance from Russia. Austria was then that he had entertained of having French in a condition of helplessness apparently aid to effect the conquest of Turkey. so complete, that many thought her hour There never would have been a siege had come; but those who knew her hisof Sebastopol, if the elder branch of tory, and were aware how often she had the Bourbons had continued to rule in recovered from just such crises, held no France. It required even a series of belief of the kind. Yet if France had revolutions to bring France to that con- assailed her at that time, Austria must dition in which the Western Alliance was have lost all her Italian provinces; and possible. But there would have been it is now generally admitted, that, if Casomething more than an “understand- vaignac had sent a French army into Itaing” between France and Russia con- ly immediately after the victory won by cerning Austria, had the government of Radetzky over Charles Albert at Somma the Restoration endured a few years be- Campagna, (July 26th, 1848,) the “ Italyond 1830. It suited the Austrian gov- ian question” would then have been seternment to show considerable coldness tled in a manner that would have been towards the Orléans dynasty; but assur- satisfactory to the greater part of Europe, edly so wise a man as Prince Metter- and have rendered such a war as is now nich, and who had such excellent means waging in Italy quite impossible, Rusof information, never could have believ- sia could have done nothing to prevent ed otherwise than that the establishment the success of the French arms, and it is of that dynasty saved Austria from being probable that Austria would have abanassailed by both Russia and France. doned the contest without fighting a battle. At an earlier period she had signifi- indifference to the Italian cause. He ed her readiness to allow the incorpora- was charged with having been guilty of tion of most of Lombardy with Sardinia, a blunder and a crime. His consent to she to retain the country beyond the Min- the expedition to Rome aggravated his cio, and to hold the two great fortresses offence, for it was an act of intervention of Peschiera (at the southern extremity on the wrong side. But the passage of of the Lago di Garda, and at the point ten years enables us to be more just to where the river issues from the lake) and him than it was possible for us to be in Mantua. She even asked the aid of 1849. He was not firm in his seat. He France and England to effect a peace on was but a temporary chief of the State. this basis, but unsuccessfully. Cavaignac's He was surrounded by enemies, political anomalous political position prevented and personal, who were seeking his overhim from aiding the Italians. He was a throw, without any regard for the tenure Liberal, but the actual head of the reac- of his office. He knew not his power. tionists in France of all colors, of men His object was the restoration of interwho looked upon the Italians as ruffians nal peace to France, her recovery from wedded to disorder, while Austria, in their the weakness into which she had fallen eyes, was the champion of order. France or had been precipitated. He dared not did nothing, and in December Louis Na- offend the Catholics, who saw then, as poleon became President. An opportu- they see now, a champion in Austria. nity was soon afforded him to interfere He was the victim of circumstances, and in Italian affairs. The armistice that had he had to bow before them, in order that existed between the Austrians and the he might finally become their master. Sardinians after the 9th of August, 1848, Then he had no occasion for a quarrel was denounced on the 12th of March, with Austria. She was at the lowest ebb 1849, by the latter; and Radetzky closed her fortunes had known since the day the order of the day, issued immediately that the Turks appeared for the second after this denunciation was made, with time before Vienna. She could not have the words, — “ Forward, soldiers, to Tu- maintained herself in Italy, even after rin!” The intentions of the Sardinians the successes of Radetzky, had not Nichmust have been known to Louis Napo- olas sent one hundred and fifty thousand leon, but he took no measures to aid men to her assistance in Hungary. What them. He saw Piedmont conquered in had France to fear from her? No more a campaign of "hours.” He saw Bres- than she had to fear from her on the day cia treated by Haynau as Tilly treated after Austerlitz. Magdeburg. He saw the long and he- Years rolled on, and brought with them roical defence of Venice against the Aus- great changes; and the greatest of those trians, during the dreary spring and sum- changes was to be seen in Italy, in refermer of '49,- a defence as worthy of im- ence to the position of Austria there, and mortality as the War of Chiozza, and in- its effect upon France. Austria rapidly dicating the presence of the spirit of reëstablished her power in Italy, not only Zeno, and Contarini, and Pisani in the over Lombardy and Venice, but over evold home of those patriots. But nothing ery part of the Peninsula, excepting Sarmoved him. He would not even medi- dinia. Tuscany was connected with her ate in behalf of the Venetians; and it by various ties, and was ruled as she was by the advice of the French consul wished it to be ruled. Parma and Moand the French admiral on the station dena were hers in every sense. that Venice finally surrendered, but not the patron and protector of the abomiuntil she had exhausted the means of de- nable Bomba, and her support alone enfence and life. At that time, few men in abled him to defy the sentiment of the America but were in the habit of de- civilized world, and to indulge in cruelnouncing the French President for his ties such as would have added new inVOL. IV.